THE. MORNING OREGONIAN, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1900.
Entered at the PesteSee At Portland, Oregon.
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PORTLAND, SATURDAY, FEB. 10.
CONGRESS AND THE NEW POSSES
SIONS. The minority report on the Puerto
Rioo tariff bill makes a case which the
advocates of robbery of our new insular
possessions will find it exceedingly dif
ficult to handle.
We have no right to hold Puerto Rico
or the Philippine islands, unless we
allow free Interchange of their products
with those of the United States. If
we adopt this policy of excluding them
from the benefits of trade under the
flag and sovereignty of the United
States, they will have the continuous
right of rebellion.
If we do not attach them to us by
interest, but on the contrary discrim
inate against them In trade, we have
no right t expect anything in them or
from them but disoontent, protest, tur
bulence and insurrection.
The proposal to keep these islands
without allowing them the advantage
of trade with the United States Is the
very top, the height, the crest, or crest
unto the crest, of protectionist greed
and folly.
It is gravely argued by the majority
of the ways and means committee of
the house of representatives that the
mandate of the constitution that duties
shall be uniform throughout the United
States has no application to territories,
but only to the states. But this power
to exclude the territories from the ben
efits of trade was never before as
serted. It is not only preposterous, but
monstrous. "We reprint this passage
from the minority report:
If the position taken by the majority of the
committee in recommending the passage of the
T 11 be the correct one, and congress has the
r wer to govern territory of the United States,
' Independent of the limitations of the consti
tution " It must follow that congress la not re
strained by this Instrument from passing laws
imposing customs duties on the minerals and
ores of the territories of Arisona and Mexico,
the ruts and Ash of Alaska, the lumber of Okla
homa, aad or ait ether products of any kind
imported Into the territories from the states or
acr one of them. The power to pass Buch
laws was never before claimed In our land. It
is wholly Inconsistent with the theory and form
of our goveratnant. The exercise of euch power
Is pure and simple imperialism, and against it
we enter our moat solemn protest. "We ne-er
have held and eaaaet hold territory as a polit
ical dependency and subject to unequal taxa
tion. ThiB is sound doctrine. It is the doc
trine that must in the long run prevail.
Protectionist greed has gone mad. We
cannot hold Puerto Rico and the Phil
ippines under the doctrine set forth by
the majority of the committee. We
ought not to hold them. Very prop
erly does Representative McCall, of
Massachusetts, one of the republican
members of the committee, dissenting
from the majority, say, in a special
report:
I recognise our full duty to do our utmost to
f i ure the welfare and happiness of the people
t-f ur new posoosotona But I regard It as a
tLiost InausptetMM onion that our first legisla
te set should be framed en the theory that
Tneedom does not follow the Hag. Is It not
Uear that at the outset you are paving the way
tor a more hide sue extortion and robbery than
oer disgraced India.?
That is Just the significance of this
extraordinary report. Tlie naked ques
ts n 16 whether our dealings with our
nw possessiOAs are to begin with this
measure of "extortion and robbery."
T2 is is the way to make the flag of the
Tinted States a symbol of oppression
s.-'d tyranny to the inhabitants of our
litw possessions. It Is the way to stop
at ence the growth of loyalty among
lem, and to convert them Into un
ci leasable aad vengeful enemies. This
: i?ans maintenance of vast military
i res, enormous expenditure of money
ard steady sacrifice of the lives of our
s diers. It ie the way to defeat all ex-:-
tation of establishment of profitable
industry In the Islands, and of mutually
I" fitable trade between them and the
1 1 -ted States. Under such policy Cuba
uJ seek other connections, and the
liuhppines will be lost. Are we about
to show that our country is under con
tr 1 of a spirit more sordid and nar
r w, and less enlightened, than that of
iam?
A gentle friend who "operates" one
ci the populist journals of Oregon re
" - : Is m 1th gibes and fleers certain re-
- aiks made by The Oregonian about
e Philippine Islands, immediately af-
r Dewejfs fleet had entered the har-
r of Manila. He finds that The Ore-
t nan then said: "We are not about
Titer on a career of foreign con-
J st but our position in the world
' j, aires U6 to have naval stations dis-
t from our own shores. We do not
.r.t to keep the Philippine islands, but
"Te should keep a naval station there."
Wv i, what if The Oregonian did say
at upon the announcement of
-ewey's victory? Everything has
hanged staoe then. At that time no
" oould know but we should leave
'V' islands to Spain. No one could
k- w that the Filipinos would rise and
ry io expel us. Development of events
r e the time when that statement ap-
ppb. ed in The Oregonian has made it
" xi to impossible for us to quit the
an ds Least of alt were we to be
'n out or force. We were attacked,
' 1 it became necessary to prove that
fould stay. That proof has been
- i. Wished; a we could now retreat,
' V'' chose, when we could not have
- '-rated under lire. The quostlon
v ' -iher we sfeouM bow withdraw is
- s dIAou. SCHt, we shah not with
draw, rathor, should not, unless the
policy of oppression, through obstruc
tion of trade, be forced by the extreme
protectionists in congress. We ought,
however, to withdraw even yet, unless
a rational policy be pursued, under
which our rule over the Islands will be
beneficial both to them and to ourselves.
A GREAT OPPORTUNITY.
The Puerto Rico Issue in congress
affords the republican members from
the Pacific coast a great opportunity to
establish justice to the new dependen
cies and incidentally to render 'signal
service to their 4?wn seatlon. The real
and vital issuer involved ls not men
tioned in the ways and means com
mittee's report. All their talk is of
Puerto Rico; what they are thinking
of is the Philippines.
If a protective tariff is put in force
Upop Philippine imports to the United
States, what will be the result? The
Islands will trade elsewhere. They can
do better. There are the British norts,
from Hong Kong to Liverpool. Sugar,
hemp, silk, fresh fruits, dutiable un
der the DIngley law, are free In the
ports of Great Britain. There, then, Is
the manifest destination of Philippine
products. Thence is the natural source
of Philippine supply.
Commerce cannot altogether ignore
sentiment. The Philippines will not
feel like doing much business with a
professed paternal power that wel
comes them by a blow in the face. If
when Puerto Rico asks for bread we
give her a stone, the effect will not be
confined to her. By her example Cuba
and the Philippines will be warned.
Puerto Rico, certainly, can be bay
oneted into submission; the Philip
pines, perhaps; Cuba, not at all.
The democrats, in house and senate,
will stand for justice for the depend
encies. Not that justice is agreeable to
them, but their natural repugnance to
Justice can be overcome by the desire
to put the republicans In a hole. They
will, in this emergency, hold their
noses, shut their eyes, and do a good
deed. Representative McCall must
stand for other Eastern republicans
who have some gleams of intelligence
on the tariff question and such prompt
ings of Justice as will forbid the pro
posed rape of the dependencies. The
republican majority in the house is
small enough to put the outcome in
doubt. The republican members from
the far West can turn the scale. It Is
a great opportunity.
TWO GOOD SOLDIERS.
General Elwell S. Otis, United States
army, is soon to return to this country.
He has earned a rest, and probably
will receive a flattering reception.
General Otis has been the military
commander and administrator of the
Philippines during all the severe time
of trial since the departure of General
Merrltt, In the autumn of 1898. What
ever Is creditable to the American gov
ernment for Its successful solution thus
far of the Philippine problem is due
to General Otis, who has exhibited the
powers not only of an able soldier, but
of a very able military administrator.
Admiral Dewey and all the members of
the Philippine commission testify in
the strongest terms to the remarkable
ability of General Otis, not only as a
soldier, but as a military adminis
trator. He seems to have been to Ma
nila and to Luzon an abler because
wiser and more conservative military
executive than General Butler was to
New Orleans and Louisiana.
When Brigadier-General Gilbert S.
Carpenter, then colonel of the Eight
eenth United States Infantry, who was
stationed at Vancouver barracks as
senior captain of the Fourteenth United
States Infantry from 1885 to 1894, passed
through Portland last autumn on his
way to Manila to join his regiment, he
expressed to his many personal friends
here the most flattering opinion of
General Otis, not only as a fine soldier
on the battle-field, but as an excep
tionally accomplished military adminis
trator. Otis, he said, was a lawyer of
ability In 1862, when he entered the
Union army as captain of the One
Hundred and Fortieth New Tork,
whose colonel, O'Rorke, and lieutenant-colonel,
'Ryan, both West Point
ers, were killed In battle. Otis came
out of the war a brevet brigadier
general; was made lieutenant-colonel,
Twenty-second United States Infantry,
In 186G; colonel of the Twentieth United
States infantry in 1880; brigadier-general
in November, 1893; major-general
of volunteers In May, 1898. General
Otis will be retired for age, March 25,
1902, and on the retirement of General
Wesley Merrltt, in June next, will
doubtless be promoted to the rank of
major-general. United States army.
General MacArthur, who will succeed
to the military duties of General Otis,
Is a soldier of gallantry and ability, as
Is attested by his career in the civil
war and in the Philippines. He entered
the Union army In August, 1862, as first
lieutenant of the Twenty-fourth Wis
consin; rose to be lieutenant-colonel of
his regiment, and was brevetted colonel
for gallantry: he entered the regular
army as second lieutenant in 1866; be
came captain in the Thirteenth United
States infantry in 1870; major and as
sistant adjutant;general In July, 1889;
lieutenant-colonel In 1896; brigadier
general of volunteers in May, 1S98; major-general
of volunteers In August,
1898. His military record as a com
mander In the field is excellent, and he
has only to follow out the lines of mil
itary administration established by
General Otis to make a satisfactory
military governor.
Serious embarrassment of Harper &
Bros., whose Indebtedness is officially
set down at $11,500,000, shows how mis
management can wreck a great enter
prise. Twenty years ago Harper &
Bros, owned and conducted successfully
the greatest publishing house In the
world. They had the "call" on all new
manuscripts. Every author, known and
unknown, in America and in Europe,
submitted his work first to Harper &
Bros. For the past fifteen years, with
singular density, they rejected every
thing of merit. Including Kipling, that
made other publishers rich. Their one
success was Lew Wallace's "Ben Hur."
Decadence of Harper & Bros, began
with their opposition to the republican
party, in 18S4, when Blaine was the
candidate for the presidency. They
lost by the thousands subscribers to
their publications. For example, in
Portland about 400 copies of Harper's
Magazine were taken regularly by mail,
but when it came to renewals for 1SS5,
the list had dwindled down to less than
40. The falling off was disastrously
heavy throughout the North. Harper
& Bros, appealed to the South. They
spent money freely and employed the
best talent at their command to exploit
the industries of the Southern states,
but recouped only a small percentage of
their losses in the wide field that had
given their ancestors princely support
for more than a generation. After the
death of the last of the elder
Harpers, the colossal business came
under the management of young men
who inherited no business talent and
lacked the common sense to employ
men who did have it. Result: Over
whelming debt and "reorganization
committee." The publication business,
If it is to be successful, requires men
of special aptitude, with genius for de
tail, energy that never relaxes and ca
pacity for the hardest brain work every
working day of the year. Thlsjiolda
good of newspapers as well as maga
zines, books and illustrated weeklies.
BRYAN'S NEW ENGLAND TOUR.
Bryan's political passage through
New England In midwinter, from New
Tork to Central Vermont, Is not easy
to understand from a practical stand
point, for Mr. Bryan cannot seriously
doubt hla renomination by substantial
unanimity by the national convention
of his party. Mr. Bryan knows per
fectly well that his strength today in
the South and in the whole country
west of Buffalo is so great that it needs
no recruitment from New England and
the Middle states. The democratic
masses that nominated Bryan in 1896
are behind him today, because they
continue to believe in free silver and
the popullstlc Chicago platform; and
Bryan has no thought of dropping "free
silver" or consenting to any such
financial armistice as that suggested by
Mr. Bourke Cockran. Bryan knows
that the democratic masses, to whose
support he looks for his sure renomi
nation, would "drop" him if he was
even seriously suspected of an inten
tion to drop "free silver." Bryan
knows that he Is absolutely without
rivals in his party; he knows he is sure
of renomination, even if New England
and the Middle states were sure to send
a solid anti-Bryan delegation to the
national convention.
Since he is sure of renomination, why
then did Bryan revisit the glimpses of
New England's winter moon? Doubt
less for no other reason than to keep
his picturesque personality unceasingly
before the public through the news
papers and to judge by experiment how
much popular sympathy existed for his
"antl-expanslon" homilies. Bryan Is
no idealist, but a pretty shrewd, prac
tical politician. He knows that to be
renominated he must favor the reitera
tion of free silver and the rest of the
popullstlc Chicago platform, but he
does not feel entirely sure whether It
would weaken or strengthen his vote
next November to add to the Chicago
platform an uncompromising anti-expansion
plank. Bryan knows that there
are thousands of simple-minded voters
who find no difficulty In swallowing
free silver and populism, but-who have
a native-born repugnance to "going
back on the flag" when it has once been
planted by American valor and through
the expenditure of American blood.
Commodore Decatur's Impulsive utter
ance, "My country, right or wrong," Is
a sentiment very strongly cherished by
the simple rank and file of both par
ties, and Bryan, as a shrewd dema
gogue, who, whether he Is beaten or
not, desires his popular vote to be as
strong as possible for future Influence,
Is carefully feeling the public pulse of
th6 people before he commits himself
to. an aggressive anti-expansion plat
form. '
That is, Bryan does not mean to
forge a weapon for the hand of the
enemy if he knows it. Of course,
Agulnaldo "aunties" of New England,
voiced by political shrimps like Gama
liel Bradford, of Boston, are confident
that "Mr. Bryan has only to be nomi
nated on an aggressive anti-expansion
platform to be elected," but Bryan Is
too shrewd a practical politician to
mlstakp the ceaseless howling, yelping
and barking of the lone mugwump coy
ote on the prairie for a mass meeting
of republican antl-expanslohlsts. Bryan
will ask himself whether he Is not
likely to lose more democratic votes
among simple, unlettered men who are
always for the country, right or wrong,
than he can possibly gain among the
hypercritical, scholastic political doc
trinaires that are the periodically balky
horses of the republican party, Mr.
Bryan knows human nature a deal bet
ter than Gamaliel Bradford, of Bos
ton, or Professor Norton, of Harvard,
or Senator Hoar; and If the only re
sponsive applause to the notes of hla
anti-expansion cornstalk fiddle and
pumpkin-vine trombone proceeds from
a few vociferous republican antl-expan-slonlsts
in dress suits, he will think
twice before he orders the Chicago
platform enlarged by an uncompromis
ing antl-expanslon plank.
In this hesitation Mr. Bryan would
be most wlBe. There are thousands of
democrats In Oregon, Washington and
California who would swallow Bryan
standing on the Chicago platform gf
1898, who would be deeply disgusted
if that platform were enlarged by the
addition of an anti-expansion plank;
first, because territorial expansion is
and always has been democratic doc
trine from the days of" Jefferson; and
second, because the rank and file of the
Pacific coast democracy are in favor of
retaining the results of the war. Bryan
would lose more votes than he would
gain In any states that he has a fight
ing chance to carry, by declaring stiffly
against expansion. It is noteworthy
that the announcement of Mr. Bourke
Cockran that he is ready to support
Mr. Bryan this year, with the, sug
gestion that Mr. Bryan "reaffirm the
Declaration of Independence and go to
the people on that alone," meets with
no response save from Irish gold dem
ocrats, far less able, less eloquent, less
versatile but quite as volatile as Mr.
Cockran. Mr. Carlisle, Mr. Cleveland,
Mr. Olney, do not follow Mr. Cockran
over to the Bryan camp In obedience
to this fanciful suggestion of a finan
cial armistice for four years, and ex
Mayor Hewitt, perhaps the most influ
ential mind of them all, save Olney,
says that, while It may be that the
silver Issue Is dead beyond possibility
of resurrection in a successful measure
of legislation, nevertheless "the Chi
cago platform was otherwise objec
tionable. It attacked the supreme
court, and we are to vote for princi
ples and not men Ira the coming elec
tion. I do not see, therefore, how
sound democrats can accept the candi
dacy of Bryan unless he repudiates the
Chicago platform, which he is not will
ing to do."
The race feuds in Austria-Hungary
have not decreased in bitterness with
the years of united rule. They block
legislation, and at times seriously
threaten the stability of the empire.
An. example of the fierceness of the
contention, and Its seemingly trivial
and almost childish basis, is seen in the
fact that it is now largely concen
trated upon a single word. The Czech
poldiers insist upon answering "zde" at
rollcall, in defiance of the imperial de
cree that they must say "hier." The
words mean the same thing, but the
latter Is German and the former Czech,
and German is the official language of
the empire. The contention is that of
power against tradition. It involves
pride and power on the one hand, and
pride and ignorance upon the other,
and the beginning of the end is not yet
in sight, though the more astute poli
ticians of Europe think they Bee It in
the failing strength of the Emperor
Francis Joseph, whose death will leave
the empire without a'dlrect heir to the
throne.
James J. Hill's analysis of the ship
ping subsidy bill Is very able. He
shows conclusively that It would do the
producers of the country little or no
good. What the producers want Is
markets. This subsidy scheme would
not give them markets, but would be
Btow millions, drawn from taxation,
upbn rich shipowners. H111'3 argument
has shaken the proposition of the com
mittee td allot the greater part of the
subsidies to fast steamships, and has
wrung from It the concession of a
larger portion to the slower freight ves
sels. But he shows that the subsidies
will do the wheatgrower no good, be
cause the production of wheat has out
run the market for it, and all the
wheat of the 'World Is in competition
with our own. We now furnish the na
tions of Europe with cheaper wheat
than they can grow themselves, and
the subsidies that may go to the ship
owners will not give better prices to
the farmers. Again, the subsidy Is for
the distance sailed, both ways, and the
shipowner is to be paid for carrying
the products of other countries to the
United States. The great Atlantic lin
ers that carry passengers are to be
among the recipients of the bounty, to
be paid to their owners for carrying
tourists to Europe to spend their
money there. Hill's criticism is unan
swerable. When Louis Kossuth came to this
country, years ago, and appealed to the
United States government to intervene
in behalf of oppressed Hungary, the
public was unanimous In Its sympathy.
His reception In New Tork is still re
membered as one of the most notable
ovations ever given to a foreigner.
Nevertheless, the government did not
intervene, nor was it criticised for re
fusing to Intermeddle In the affairs of
Austria and Hungary. There is no rea
son to assume that the declaration,
"He who meddleth with strife that be
longeth not to him is like a man who
taketh a dog by the ears," has been
outdated by experience since the time
of Kossuth. On the contrary, Its subtle
warning is still assumed to be a safe
guide In reckoning with human dif
ferencesindividual or national.
The British army lacks mobility, be
cause the British soldier must always
have full meals, and. liave them with
regularity. He 1b tied to his commls
sarlat. T. Miller McGuIre's "Outlines
of Military Geography" show some of
the practical difficulties of handling
large forces. He says:
A British division on the march along an or
dinary main road without an advanced guard
would be five miles in length. ... If the
modern German, army were put In motion
. . . the whole military road from the Rhine
to the Rtisslan frontier would be thickly crowd
ed with soldiers, guns and transports. . . .
If an army corps of 30,000 men and 10,000'
horses rc3tft for a day or two preparatory to a
battle or during a aiege, It eats up all provis
ions procurable In a piece of rich country nine
miles long by Ave wide.
A friendly Basutq chief, desirous of
seeing the Boers thrashed soundly and
without loss Of time, recently asked:
"Why do the English drive straight
against the Boers' fastnesses?" adding
significantly: "A wildcat in a hole
tears the bulldogs' noses; watch the
hole and get in behind." There is some
evidence that the British commanders
are acting upon this advice. Theories
Imbibed at Sandhurst are valuable, no
doubt, but when they clash, in practice,
with common sense, it Is well to discard
them for the occasion.
The action of the school board in
abolishing free tuition to non-residents
of the district is one that should have
been taken long ago. Those who do
not contribute to the district's support
have no claim on its privileges. The
community is under no more obligation
to educate non-resident children than
to support non-resident paupers.
Mr. Hepburn is ill-advised in his ob
jections to the Hay-Pauncefote treaty.
He seems to think it sufficiently dis
credited by the fact that Great Britain
gets something In return for her con
cessions. He wants us to have all and
Great Britain nothing. That Is not the
way good neighbors get along.
Kentucky would be in peaceful en
joyment of an abounding prosperity
but for Goebel's law to nullify the will
of the voters. Every discussion of the
unhappy condition in the blugrass
state harks back to the conspiracy
against majority rule.
There 1b an old saying that an army
goes on its belly. But the British army
in South Africa doesn't go on its belly.
It lies still on its belly. It doesn't go
at all. But perhaps it will go after a
while.
NOTE AND COMMENT.
Curiously enough, the gas never gets hot
when It is turned down.
General White is still at the old stand,
In spite of the failures of his colleagues.
Bryan didn't win many laurels as a man
behind the gun, but as a man .behind tha
mouth he Is a world beater.
The war department thinks perhaps
Agulnaldo is In Europe. One thing is cer
tain; he Is not in South Africa.
Two suits havo recently been decided in
favor of a street-railway company. Isn't
this a violation of the constitution?
The Prince of Wales would get more
glory If he died In the field than If on
third base, as he seems likely to do now.
Fair visitor How long does a man re
main a raw recruit?
Lieutenant Until he Is roasted by the
drill sergeant.
Stump speakers say there Is no North,
no South, no East, no" West, but they
cannot deny that there are ups and downs
even In this united country.
It Is announced that Buller's operations
up to date form only an incident in tho
campaign. It Is hardly to be expected
that they were the whole thing.
But may be the grave-diggers in
uela are striking because their employers
are not coffin-up enough money, aad
perhaps because Business is dead. Don't
shcot!
Abraham Lincoln was born in Kentucky,
and the country owes, a great president to
his parents' judgment' in getting him away
before he was old enough to play the rola
of Innocent bystander.
Conan Doyle and Rudyard Kipling are
already in South Africa. Now, if Anthony
Hope, J. M. Barrle and Ian Maclaren
will run down there, the press censor will
just about have his hands fulL
And now there is intimation that Lester
M. Wilson, of Walla Walla, may figure in
the coming senatorial squabble In the state
of Washington. The multiplicity of Wil
sons and Joneses In Washington politics
Is likely to become confusing.
A Washington man, vouched for by
the Waltsburg Times as "a man of his
word," writes that paper that he has
"taken unto himself a better half, and she
more than fills the bill." With this well
satisfied man, marriage is probably not
a failure
Governor Leary, of Guam, la able nol
oiily to call a spade a spade, but to defina
some things which a spade Is not. Ha
puts a request for a library In this form:
"Every other naval station has a sultabla
library, while this station has none, nol
even as much as a single lawbook; and,
not wanting this command to be deprived
of the ordinary facilities for plain men.
tal and Intellectual sustenance while iso
lated from the world as though encased
In an armor of coral and barnacles, I must
respectfully renew my request for a suit
able library to be sent to the station."
The following Js a heliograph message
from Ladysmith, Intercepted by the Boers,
and sent special to The Oregonian:
I am waiting, Buller, waiting.
And the pie Is running low,
"While the whiskers on the kopjes
Weirdly twang when breezes blow.
And behind each whisker hiding
la the telephoto eye
Of a Boer who shoots like natives
Of the state where grows the rye.
What's the matter with that column
That you started In the chase?
Has tho censor marked It "mustn't"?
Is It held for want of space?
I am waiting, Buller, waiting.
Though you still are out xf eight;
Quickly come with pie and succor
To your famished comrade,
"WHITE.
'
NO MARTYR'S CROWN FOR GOEBEL.
Let That Crown Be Reserved for
Worthy Men.
Chicago Times-Herald.
Only charity in the presence of the dead,
only detestation of the crime of assassi
nation, only shame for the humiliation of
a sovereign American state, hushes the
universal verdict that William Goebel died
as he lived a victim to that Scriptural
law that reads:
"Whoso shedfleth man's blood.
By man shall hla blood be shed.
It profanes the word martyr to use it In
connection with the assassination of Goe
bel. He died on the threshold of an offlco
he bad sought by violating every safeguard
that should protect elections from violence,
corruption and fraud. His whole career
Invited the foul deed In which It ended.
Let Kentucky hunt down and mete out
Justice to the murderer of William Goebel,
but, in the name of American honor and
national decency, let us reserve the crown
of martyrdom for brows that do not bear
the mark of Cain.
Chicago Tribune.
After laboring Incessantly for years to
become governor of Kentucky, William
Goebel enjoyed a disputed title to that
office for a few days. But he was then
stretched upon his death bed. If he had
been able to read the future a few months
ago, he would have decided that the office
was not worth the price. If he had been
able to read the future ho would not have
made the evil use of his mental powers
of his perseverance, adroitness and skill
In Intrigue that he did make. He would
not have pursued a course which has done
more to demoralize and debase public sen
timent in his state, and to some extent in
other states, than the deeds of any other
man.
When laws are enacted to promote such
evil purposes as the rule of the majority
by the minority, and when such laws are
upheld by partisan legislatures and courts,
who can have much respect for law? It
ceases to have, and it has ceased to de
serve, the respect of a large part of the
community. That Is what has happened In
Kentucky. There Is not that regard in
the state for the law and the courts that
there Is In other communities where courts
are not partisan, and laws are not Inequit
able, "Twist once the law to thy author
Ity'' was the ruling principle of Goebel'J
political career, and it virtually brought
about his own death.
Goebel was working for himself when
he secured tho enactment of an election
law to bo utilized for partisan uses by tho
minority at the expense of the majority.
He Is dead, but the evil he did lives aftef
him.
i
8EWALL AN EXPANSIONIST.
Mr. Bryan's Running Slate Jn 1800
Says He Would Hold tlie Philip
pine Islands. .
Following is the statement made by Ar
thur Sewall at San Francisco some 'days
asrofc to which reference has been made
In the telegraphic reports:
San Francisco. "I have always favored
the acquisition of the Philippines aftef
tho Paris treaty. The United States
should stand with the administration in
all that Is being done to hold the Philip
pines; they are worth retaining," said Ar
thur Sewall, former democratic candidate
for vice-president, today.
Mr. Sewall is among the passengers of
the Australia, who have been released
from quarantine. He has just returned
from a visit to Honolulu, where he spent
a month with his son, Harold M. Sewall,
special agent of the United States in Ha
waii. "In regard to politics," Mr. Sewall con
tinued, "Mr. McKInley will be renominated
and re-elected. Mr. Bryan, too, will be re
nominated, but I fear that he cannot win
the goal. The fact Is, the country has been
too prosperous to warrant any hope of a
change in the national administration, and
people are slow to take up reform meas
ures when times are as good as they ata
at present.
"No, I am not a candidate for the vice
presidency again. I believe it Is poor policy
on the part of the democracy to select any
candidate from the East, where no elec
toral votes may be expected; and, more
over, I am not ambitious to make the rac
again. 'If the democrats call upon me
again, however, I could not refuse to do
my duty1,"
GERMANY EAGER FOR THEM.
And That Is the Reason Why
We
Retained the Philippines'.
Washington. It Is out that In executive
session of the senate. Senator Davla, of
the committee on foreign affairs, stated
that the reason our "government took the
Philippines was that during the peace-negotiations
at Paris It became known to the
government that If cession of the Islands
was not made to us, Germany would take
them, and was eager to do so. Senator
Davis made this so plain to the senate
that no one was In a position to dispute It.
He added that It was the purpose of the
United States to extend civil and free gov
ernment In the islands as soon as possible,
and to the fullest extent possible, and that
if the Filipinos would but cease their re
sistance they would find themselves Infi
nitely better off than If abandoned to them
selves as an Independent community. The
senator added that when the purpose to
turn the Philippines over to Germany was
communiiia.tpd tn thi nrH(nt h Itnmo.
Venes-ldiately chaaggd the iastructlona. to the
peace commteeteners. abandoning the pte
ef partial ooeupatien upon which they
had been proceeding.
This must be. a hitter plU for the so
called "aatl-imperlaHsts," for It kaeeks
their argument abflut the "consent f the
governed" skyward. It makes It dear
that abandonment of the islands, after
Dewey's victory, er later, would have been
to turn the FlHptses ever to a monarchi
cal form of government, administered by
the haughty and exacting emperor ef Ger
many. There was that alternative and no
other.
Under Germany the Filipinos would have
been ruled by a German military governor,
under the German colonial system, and
the people would have become the sub
jects of a nation more foreign to them
than even the American, with testKutieas
to which they could conform far less eas
ily and graciously, and with laws and reg
ulations which, while in no sense cruel or
unjust, they would have found from their
standpoint harsh and 'crushing. In other
words, the Filipinos would then have been
under imperialism in Its highest form and
strictest sense subjeet to an emperor who
commands obedience and submission to
the letter, and has no patience whatever
with the doctrine that men have a right
to govern themselves.
a '
A FRAUD ON ITS FACE.
Attack oa the Coagrressional Rebtilce
to Free Trade.
Chloago Times-Herald.
Contrress can do pretty much as It wants
to with our new possessions. It may In
corporate them as an integral part of our
territory or hold them outside In absolute
cl0lrTB'L
is cieor mat mo " " .. ..
there Is the better their people will be
pleased and the easier It will be to gain
their co-operation.
We should aim, therefore, to give them
a territorial form of government as nearly
as possible like those which we have
erected on this continent, and It Is a great
mistake to deny them the benefit of free
trade with the States. As well pretest
California against Florida because they
both raise oranges, or Virginia against
North Carolina because they both raise
and manufacture tobacco. Because the
power exists In the one case and not in
tne otner maises no uiu.crei;o mm u
unwisdom of the policy. A satisfactory
the other makes no difference witn tne
local tariff will never be devised at Wash
ington for Puerto Rico or the Philippines.
This is absolutely certain, because it
will be passed not for the good ef the
natives or of the United States but for
the advantage of various interests ln th's
country. Puerto Rico might have had free
trade had it not been for the opposition
of the tobacco and sugar lobbyists. To
placate them we who used to laugh at
Horizontal Bill Morrison are about to
decide, It seems, on a horizontal reduc
tion instead of kicking the barriers away
entirely.
A scientific or Just tariff was never
framed in this way, and the general con
cession k a fraud on its face, because the
only dutiable produce which is likely to
come to this country In any quantity is
sugar and tobacco. This Indicates the
motive of the new bill, and we have al
ready commented on Its Infinite small
ness. Though the Island raises both sugar
and tobacco for export, the sugar output
Is but a fraction of our own, and the
tobacco output is hardly appreciable by
comparison with ours.
If this island and the others are to have
special tariffs let us not put them at the
mercy of Interested schemers In this coun
try, but rather permit the local govern
ments to frame their own bills. At the
very least they should have some sort of
official representation when such meas
ures are under discussion. Otherwise pro
tection will be the greatest Impediment
to expansion.
a
BRITISH MILITARY OI'IMON.
Lieutenant-General John F. Owen, of the
British army, has an article ln the North
American Review, for February, on the
South African war, which sets out clearly
the unpreparedness of the British govern
ment and army for the present emergeaey,.
shows how completely the military situa
tion has been controlled by political con
siderations, and how the army Is under
going reformation to meet new conditions.
We quote these paragraphs, vis:
"We have experienced so rude a shook, and the
weak points In our armor are bo plain to us,
that the nation, thoroughly awakaned, will in
sist on a complete reorganization of our war
office, which, has worked too long ln ancient
grooves, and. of our army, to meet new condi
tions. As to the war itself, it is taken for granted
that British arms will win, probably after mueh
further loss. But win we must, if but by the
process of attrition. The British empire will
stand more secure than ever, through the sac
rifices her sons have made and their blood Bhed
for her greatness.
Three words epell the principal Boer advan
tages and our disadvantages, "mounted men"
and the consequent "mobility." "We shall grad
ually become possessed: of the same, and, though:
we know that every preparation has been, made
for a prolonged and determined defense oC the
republics, we shall shew ourselves as stubborn
and stiff-necked as our enemy, and in time
subaue them.
The British nation lo flrmly convinced that In
this struggle it Is fighting the battle of civilisa
tion, real freedom and Individual liberty. Its
enemy Is a brave and ln many ways a noble
jeason try, misled by an .gnorant and presump
tuous oligarchy, who would keep civilization
far from them, save Where it meets their selftea
ends, and who, much ln the handn of alien in
triguers, have crushed individual liberty as feu
as lay ln their power. Firm ln this conviction,
we shall eventually win. ln the struggle nor in
the meantime allow any outside interference
from great or small; and, as conquerors, we
shall show the brave Boers that their individ
ual liberty Is as sacred .to us as our own, but
that their petty despots must disappear from
the scene, and the peace of our empire be dis
turbed no more from within.
0
Merely a Suggestion.
Chicago News.
. Nellie Charlie says I grow more beauti
ful every time he sees me. Maude If
that's the case you ought to have him call
twice a day.
The False Front.
Indianapolis Journal.
"Those new people next door are nobody
ln particular." "How do you know?"
"They try so hard to look like somebody
ln particular."
Violent Supposition.
Boston Commercial Bulletin.
"What made that horse tear up the ave
nue so?" "I suppose he haa a permit
from the superintendent of streets to do
it."
o
The Isolation of England.
St. James's Gazette.
The wind is hushed; the darkness grows;
The fainting moon la lost in flight;
Death lifts a. sember hand, aad throws
His clouds across the faee of night.
"With parted lips, and haggard stare
That strives and strains to pierce the gloom,
Bach nation crouches ln Its lair,
And, breathless, waits the coming, doom.
Dim, shapeless shadows pass like gseets
Along the trembling earth, that feel
The distant tramp of marching hosts,
And hear the smothered clash of steel;
Till reaching- out for friendly hands
To guide them through the gloom, taey press
To where one silent figure stands
Serene in lefty loneliness.
They hurl their taunts, their oaths, their pray
ers, The snarl of greed, the growl of bate;
They spit upon the cloak she wears.
Or grasp Its hem to supplleate.
But still, as though she heard them not.
Her anxious eyes are fixed afar
Among the ekrnds, on one pate spot,
"Where faintly gleams ay single star.
By that same star she chose her path
Her every night la vastssed. years;
Though screened by mists ef aoubt aad wrath.
She Bees It still, as though, threugh team;
Then, glancing at the fretful horde
"Who call her now to bend the- knee.
She lays a hand upon her swerA
A34 turns fcw eyes, toward the sea,
GOSSIP AT TH JtAXMKfAi CAMTAl
"WASHINGTON. Fob. 9. There is a
divergence of optntop upon tho MBs that
have been reported regarding Pnerto Rico,
wMoa napooo a duty of par mat of tho
present tarUC rates on com-nodlCcs from
that Island. Senator Atnrfeh, who to chair
man of the financ committee, and a pro
tectionist of the most extreme type, ex
Ksea Um opinion that when the su
preme court cornea to deal with tho ques
tion, It wUl swoop tho tariff levied on
Puerto Rican products out of existence.
The president still doateos free trade with
Puerto Rico, but tho protectionist in
congress fere afraid that free trade with
that Island will moan froe trade with tho
PhUtppuMs and Cuba, and any MU relat
ing to Cuba is now sure to contain a
tariff provision, as tha protection, and
especially the sugar Innwooto, a strong
enough to control.
Is all tho convaieatlone that the presi
dent has bad with members of congrtss
he has Indicated an adherence to his orig
inal plan, beitevfog that a law for Puerto
Rio will not Anally bind the United
States rotative to the other Islands. But
he has been unable to resist the demand
of the majority In congress, which fear
that whatever Is done la Puerto Rico will
be the precedent for future action, and
will accept any bill that congress sands
to him.
Oregon's nkcsanslea Demeerat.
Leading democrats are somewhat afraid
that the expansion sentiment in Oregon
will be strong enough to repudiate tho
Bryan theories at the state convention,
cation should meet and
ana me sugge-mon nas been made that
declare a policy before tho state conven
tion could meet. This, however, te deemed
Impracticable, because the Oregon conven
tion to bound to meet long before the
democrats can declare their policy .n na
tional convention. It is hoped now to
control the Oregon democrats and force
them upon the Bryan platform of antl
expanalon, although the reports from the
state received here have been to the effect
that euch a policy means political suicide
In Oregon, Washington and California.
RefandlHg Seheme la Flnanelal Bill,
Although there is a great deal of oppo-
, t tVj, j,r w . .J
f . "?ln8 ,scm ln th
financial Mil. the general impression la
that it will pass the senate, but the hope
is expressed that the conferees between
house and senate will amend the bill so
as to ptovhrn for a higher rate than 3
per cent, which 's proposed by the senate.
The strong opposition of Senator Slklns
and some other republicans against such
a low rate of Interest is having its effect,
and, though the senate may vote for 3-per-eent
bends to refund the debt, the con
ferees may see it m a different light, and
offer a 3 per cent bond, giving dlecret on
to the secretary of the treasury to obtain
a lower rate of Interest if possible.
Silver Men Who Opposed Bryan.
The democratic national convention of
1866 was not for Bryan, but was forced to
vote for bun because the leading silver
candidate. Bland, of Missouri, was regard
ed by public men as unavailable. Bryan
received VR votes on the first ballot. B.and
received a majority of the convention, but,
lacking the necessary two-thirds, could
not be nominated. Delegations favorable
to some dark horse voted for favorite
eons, Ohio being for McLean, Kentucky
for Blackburn, while Iowa was for Horace
Boles. Bryan was nominated on the fifth
ballot, and many of those who went there
never thinking of him as a candidate, and
voted against him up to very near the
last, are now bis active supporters. Among
those who art now active Bryan men in
every sense of the word may be enum
erated the following, who voted against
hhn on the first ballot, and some of whom
continued to vote against him on several
subsequent ballots, even to the last, when
he was nominated:
Bankhead and Tomllnson of Alabama;
Jones and Berry, of Arkansas; "While,
Foots and Magutre, of CalMornm: Thomas,
of Colorado; Sparkeman, of Florida. Alt
geid, Kenricneanv PttMan and Williams, ot
Xttfeofe; Turpi. Overmepor aad. JBnglUh,
of Indiana; Martin and Overmeyer,
of Kansas; Blackburn, Hardin, Rhea, El
lis, of Kentucky; Williams, of Massa
chusetts: Cockrell, Stone, Vest, Cochran,
De Armond and Bell, of Missouri, Clark
and Houser, of Montana, Daly, of New
Jersey; Cummlngs, Shoehan, Sulzer, of
New Tork; Roach, of North Dakota. Mc
Lean, Thurraan, HoJden. of Ohio, Miller
and Mulllntx, of Rhode Island; Gorman and
Mutchler of Pennsylvania; Tillman and
Evans, of South Carolina; Bate, Carmack
and Snodgrass, of Tennessee; Bailey,
Hogg, Cutherteon, Regan, Chilton and Pas
ehall of Texas; Rawlins, of Utah; Daniel,
Swansea and Jones, ef Virginia; McGraw
aad St. Clahr, of West Virginia.
Te BHlId Canals.
The doslra to build canals seems to have
sprang up m tho senate with renewed ac
tivity. Senator Foster has Introduced a
bill which has been reported favorably
for tha survey of a canal from Puget
sound to Gray's harbor. Senator McCum
ber, of North Dakota, has proposed the
construction of a canal from Lake Supe
rior to the Red River of the North. Soma
years ago Minnesota men proposed to have
a canal connecting the Mississippi river
with the Red River of the North, and thus
make a thorough waterway from Hudson 3
bay to the Gulf of Mexico. Tho project
for a canal connecting the Great Lakes,
through the state of New York, with the
Atlantic ocean. Is still under consideration,
and surveys are being made. It will thus
be apparent that the idea of canals seems
to have possession of the American mind
at the present time, and while ln this
mood there ought to be a possibility of
constructing the Nicaragua csnal. It Is
supposed that Senator Foster will be giv
ing hlg attention very soon to the con
struction of a canal at the dalles of the
Columbia river, which would do his state
more good than the building of a canal
from Gray's harbor to Puget sound. In
fact, tho improvement of the Columbia
river would be of more benefit to Wash
ington than would any of the proposed im
provements now on foot In the state. Of
course, It might -not be so much benefit
to Puget sound, and while Senator Fos
ter Hves on tho Sound, and has interests
there, be naturally will give every consid
eration to every other section of tho stats.
Free Hemes Bill.
The committee.? on Indian affairs in tha
senate and on public lands in the house
have reported favorably the bills that have
been so long pending allowing free homes
on ceded Indian reservations. This bill has
passed the sonata two or three times, but
has always been blocked In tho bouse. It
Is going to coot tho government a great
deal of money to carry out Its provisions,
estimates ranging between $U,fl,Mo and
$s8,W0,W, which shows how tar apart dif
ferent men who consMor those subjects
are upon a matter of so much Importance.
In connection with this freo-homes bill,
there is pending In tho house, having
poflood the senate, a bill ratifying an agree
ment with tho Fort Halt Indians, ln Idaho,
which was made m February. 1866, In
which they ceded quite a large tract of
land In their reservation, and are to be
paid IMtvOst for it. the money to be reim
bursed by tho government from tho sala
of lands. As a matter of fact, the gov
ernment will never got all ' it has paid
tho Indians for tho sale of coded lands.
eKhor m tho SHoux country, Oklahoma. In
dian territory, Idaho, Montana, or any
other section. Much of the land was sold
at tho rata of J4, $t M and even W 75 an
acre, aad one piece in Montana went as
high as m an, acre. Tho mineral lands,
of course, are taken, but the mountainous
tracts and arid lands remain tho property
of tho government, and will never be taken
up, so that tho government will not re
ceive ono-batf the money invested. Per
haps It would be as wait to allow the
settlers to havo gone upon tho lands to se
cure ee home Tho matter wUl be kept
up untn It fcr pans ad some time, and it will
bo hotter for these settlers to bo tho real
bonoaomrtos and got the money, than to
have ft go to other persons la tho distant
lfaittx