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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 9, 1900)
THE MOBNIK& 'OBEGO&Afti FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1900. to reflomca Entered at the Foetomce at Portiaae, Oregon, M seeeat-etaas matter. JtaitorUl 2tMM....MSMtoe8 Ofece....eG7 1UBVXMBD scraecRirnoN rates. Br Matt (pests preeeM), ta Asvaaee Dailr. wtthssaaar. per month $0 85 Daily, Sunday gccoeua. pec year 7 CO Dally, with Sunday, per year 8 00 Sunday, per year 2 00 The tAeeklr. per year ..... 1 50 The Weakly. S months ........ CO To City Ssbeeriben Daily, per weak. 4eUvere4. gsnaaya exceeted.l5c Dally, par weak. delivered. Sunday iseluded.20a News or dtpwuskm intended for pSottoatWm In Tb Oragonlaa should fee addressed invariably "Editor The Orecostea," net ta the name of any individual. Letters retatleg te advertising. BecrlpUeM er to any Wstaess matter should be adureaeed simply "The Oregantan." Tite Oragoalan does not bay poems or stories from Individuals, and oannat undertake to re turn any nuLuwecriots seat to H without sehclta Uoa. No stamps sfeoeld be iaetosed tor this PttTpoea. Pace: Sound Bureau Captain A. Thompson. at llll Padfla avenue. Taaoma. Box 955, Taeoma poatofltee. Eastern Bsstness Office The Tribune battd 1 New York city; 'The Rookery." Chicago; " S C Deekwlth specie! ageacy. New Tork. -JJor " m 8fcn brands by J. K. Cooper, 7d Market street, near the Pateee etei. and i Ooldsmith Bros.. SM Sutter street. For eale ta Chicago by the P. O. News Co.. 2H Dearborn street. TODATg WEA.THKR.-Oooaaioaal rain, wilh brisk aouth to waat winds. JFORTLAXD, FRIDAY. FEBRUARY 9 TICK XHGATiaX OF KXPAXSIOX. There is grave danger that at the very beginning: of our policy in dealing with our new insular possesions we ahall make a mistake. Protectionist greed is the source of the danger. Dis crimination against their products in our markets is the most potent of all the agencies that could be employed to alienate them from us. Your ex treme protectionist le the most effective anti-expansionist. The new posses sions need our markets and we need theirs. We shall impoverish our new possessions if we adopt and pursue the policy of discrimination against them by tariffs. They will gain nothing by their deliverance from Spain, if we put this system ln force against them. Moreover, It will be burdensome to ourselves. The protectionists who v ant to adopt this policy of discrimina tion and exclusion against the prod ucts of the islands assume that it would be hurtful to the people of the United States if the cost of sugar, rice, to bacco and tropical fruits were reduced to consumers. They may, indeed, deny that this is their contention; yet it is the underlying motive. The basis of the argument is that our own produc ers will be Injured by admission of sugar and rice, tobacco and tropical "fruits from the islands, free of duty. But what of our consumers? "Will these cheaper products ruin them? And the islanders if we shut them out of our markets, what profit have they from their connection with us? If we are to build up any commerce iith our new insular possessions, and give them prosperity and contentment, we must have free interchange of com modities between them and ourselves. ft our sovereigntr over them is to be anything more than a growing burden and curse, both to them and to us, commerce must not be trammeled. If e do not buy from them, they cannot buy from us. If we do not take their commodities, they cannot take ours. If -we shut out their products by pro hibitive tariffs, they will have no means of buying what we offer them. The expectation of commerce, then, will be stifled in its birth. We shall fall to attach the Islands to our country by any bond of Interest, and will have no resource but to rule them by a mili tary despotism, which will be enor mously costly, both in men and money. Prohibitive tariffs will effectually pre vent the growth of any community of Interests between the islands and our ec'es. It Is a policy that will estab lish conditions of vassalage for the people of the islands, worse In its re cults than any picture of "imperial ism ' yet drawn. These advocates of prohibitive tar iffs or of tariffs virtually prohibitory, apainst the products of the newly ac quired islands are the most effective ' f ail protesters and workers against national expansion. Men like Senator II ar and Colonel Bryan must take " ark seats on the "ana" business, while r members of congress who hitherto I a ? been clamorous for expansion now nmeto the front to formulate a policy t r prohibition of trade, which will rx re effectually kill expansion than all he sentimental arguments about "oon rt of the governed" that could be framed from now till doomsday. If trade between the United States ud. our new Insular possessions is thus to be obstructed, better would it have 1 '-en to leave them to Spain. The v'on will be burdensome to both par tus costly to uc and hateful to them. n the other hand, free movement of commerce will be. beneficial to both. , It flili open the way to boundless com mercial expansion for our country, and v-i'l reconcile the inhabitants of the elands to the sovereignty of the United States. To moral and patriotic senti ments a door is opened through ma terial benefits, which otherwise would remain forever closed. We ought not to keep the islands, If our idea is merely to pluck them. Besides, if we impoverish them by such a policy, they 'nil: soon have no substance we can pluck, and Instead of interest and gTatitude, we shall create in them a vense of injury and establish a heri tage of hatred. It is incredible folly. Expansion is the logical negation of the narrow and medieval notion of pro mtion, and If we are going to hold to Iotective tariffs against any people under our own flag, we must make up our minds to deal with them always as eremies, and to hold them down with the bayonet. For that is an injustice to which no people under our "flag lught to submit. It is tyranny and oppression Incomparably greater than any other which could be devised. On such baste there can be no union of the "colonies" with the United States, and all the benefits expected from ex pansion will turn to dust and ashes. On such basis we have no mora right to try to hold the islands. Their con dition will be worse than that against v. hich our own forefathers retailed and declared their independence. A burly blacksmith of Vancouver, having been convicted of wife-beating a day or two ago, was fined $ft for the indulgence, and in default of payment was sent to jail Now let his com p airing spouse betake herself to the v-&htub to earn a living during her cr-s incarceration, or mayhap to se- cure his early release by paying the fine Imposed. The Incident Is not an unusuaL. one ln large and even In smaller cities, and yet there are those who wonder that beaten wives usually neglect to Inform upon their brutal hUBbands, and that "When they do, 'pru dence usually gets the better of their pain and indignation, and they refuse at the proper time to support the com plaint by testimony that carries con viction and penalty -with it. Clearly It is enough to suffer stripes -without hav ing to undergo the pangs of hunger as a result of an attempt to punish the creature -who inflicted them. TWO VIEWS, AND THEN A THIRD. Such Is heredity, such is prejudice and such Is the influence self-interest exerts upon the judgment, that pro mulgation of exact and uncolored truth is one of the most unwelcome things ln the -World. 'Every man's 'hand is against it. You must be all one thing or all another. If a friend to a man or a cause, you must be blind to any blots and must make oath they do not exist If a man or a cause is unfriendly to you, merits ln either man or cause must be treated as an impossibility, and he who offers to point them out should be shown the door sans cere monic Yet there are those in Increasing numbers to whom no man is quite so perfect as the ideal character, and in whose eyes no cause is quite so clear as that of truth itself. It is better to know the worst than fail through false hopes; it Is better to see the strength of an adverse cause in time, rather than to be overwhelmed by it when It is too late. No exploitation of weak ness can make it strong, no gloss upon error can make It wisdom, no shafts aimed at the truth can ever make it the wrong cause or the losing one. The republican party has its good points and its bad. President McKin ley has his strength and his weak nesses. There is no way to please most republicans but to recount the party's and the president's merits and suppress the defects. There is no way to please most democrats but to excoriate the defects and deny the merits. These are methods that cpmmend themselves to those whose existence and the sup port of whose families depend upon capture of offices through activity in partisan politics. They should have lo attraction for self-sustaining ftien with thinking minds. Criticism of President McKinley In censes many ardent republicans. They are enraged to see It. It may hurt the party, it may make the president mad", It may put Oregon in a bad light. But why do they not answer some of the criticisms made? Do they pretend to say that President McKinley Is a lead er, not a follower, in public opinion? Do they pretend to believe that as a matter of fact he selected Alger from creditable motives or continued him so long for the good of the army? Will they deny that his hesitating course in the Philippines at the crisis of Febru ary, 1899, cost us heavily in lives and treasure, and embarrassed our subse quent procedure? It is one thing to complain of such criticism, It is another to set it aside; and the only relevant matter concerning It is as to its truth. It pleases others not at all that the creditable achievements of the repub lican administration and the good qualities the president has displayed should be set out with approval and admiration. But will they undertake to deny them? Almost every import ant act of the administration, partic ularly Its advocacy of the gold stand ard and its assertion of our national honor In the Philippines, has bden as sailed by democrats with every avail able weapon that malignity and stu pidity could lay hold on. They have had their answer from the people, un til there is not a democratic governor and but three democratic United States senators in the Northern states. They have had their answer ln congress, where only twenty or so votes can be mustered ln the senate In support of "antl-lmperiallsm." They have their answer in the consent of congress to enact a gold-standard law. Yet they are so unreasonable that now, when the president urges free trade for Puerto Rico, the open door at Manila and a neutralized canal in Nicaragua, they spitefully withhold the word of praise for a policy they have always contended for, and rather hope than otherwise that the dependencies may be outrageously treated, in order to make expansion as distasteful as pos sible. Between these violent partisan ex tremes there Is a discriminating course of truth and reason. It is one The Oregonlan has pursued for many years, and It has yet to be shown a different way that will prove more satisfactory from any point of view. THE KENTUCKY SITUATION. William S. Taylor was elected gov ernor of Kentucky, and was duly in augurated. After he had held office about six weeks the legislature, on a trumped-up pretense, was about to un seat him. In the legislature as elected by the. people there were not votes enough for this purpose; so by unseat ing members and seating contestants a sufficient majority was gained. The high-handed action intended by the legislature Governor Taylor attempted to forestall, by adjournment of the leg islature from Frankfort to London. This he did under color of constitu tional authority. Under the constitu tion of Kentucky the legislature must sit at Frankfort; but the governor, un der certain specified conditions, may, by proclamation, convene it elsewhere. Governor Taylor assumed that these conditions had arisen. The majority tried for a time to hold meetings at Frankfort, but were not permitted. However, the majority assumed the right to remove Taylor and declare Goebel governor. But this was not done in formal session, and its legality is therefore disputed. After the death of Goebel, the lieutenant-governor, Beck ham, took the oath of office as gover nor. But Taylor still holds on. The Oregonlan thinks Taylor has been unwise in dealing with the legis lature as he has done; for the fight he is making Is hopeless. His moral right to the office of governor is Incontrovert ible, but he has not the means to sup port it; and ln great affairs the sense of proportion between means and ends ought never to be lost. In this strug gle the right, which before was per fectly clear, will be confused, and the advantage of appeal to the people, in future, to right a great wron.gr, will be minimized; for the arbitrary dispersal of the legislature will be pointed at for answer to every charge of outrage com mitted against the right of election by the Goebel party. Yet It must be admitted that Taylor shows a great deal of grit and pluck. He professes to be holding on chiefly for the purpose of using every means he may be able to command for repeal or essential modification of the Goebel election law. He wants to force this, and says he will then be satisfied; for future elections then will not be the farce that this one has been. Taylor's attorneys are now appeal ing to the United States courts. We see no way by which this contention can become a federal question. Wrong and injustice have the vantage ground. Right at last, doubtless, will come up permost, .but it will be forced to wait till a more convenient season. The Goebel law ought to be repealed. A BRYANITB HAM.UCIXATIOX. In the hard fight the men of India have had to make for the gold stand ard, they have encountered no more de termined opposition than in England. It is in England that some of this most demented of "bimetallsts" live. There also is the Manchester "school" of cot ton interests, who have hoped to pros per by grinding down India's labor. And there are the London bankerii, who hate to see gold going away from the Bank or England, no matter if it is to help the Indian empire. Naturally, therefore, the recent financial strin gency has encouraged these oppo nents of the Indian programme to re double their efforts. It Is said that the bankers and great financial houses of London are preparing to make a fresh and violent attack on the plan for per fecting the gold standard ln India. The immediate concern, of course, is danger of loss of gold. Accumulation of the me'tal on account of the Indian government has been proceeding for some time in a quiet way. The amount is now given at about 6,500,000, of which 4,200,000 is held by the treasury in India and 1,300,000 by the India council, In London. This latter sum, though lodged at tho Bank of England, does not appear ln Its accounts as "ear marked." It Is over and attbve the gold recorded In the weekly returns. One can well understand that during the last few weeks a "very anxious period for London bankers they have not be come more reconciled to a policy which has deprived the financial markets of a sum so large and so much needed dur ing the recent "squeeze" as 6,000,000, not to speak of the prospect of its fur ther Indefinite increase. It is not im probable that as soon as the distraction occasioned by the war in South Africa has materially abated, some influential representations may be made to the government on the subject of the In dian gold-standard policy by the Lon don bankers. Their protests are not likely to suc ceed. The men of India will probably prove as determined as ever. Mean while, the incident is worth noting, for Its bearing on the Bryanite hallucina tion that Lombard street is trying to enslave India by means of the gold standard. A RUSSIAN ADVANCE. Against the declaration that all th ngs come to those who wait stands the equally positive assurance that "them as has gets." Whichever con tention is true, or whether both are true, may still be a matter of opinion even after Russia, exemplifying the latter, has reached out and taken what she will of Chira, or crowns the wait ing of years by the occupation of Per sia. Ever since the time of Peter the Great, who, barbarian though he was, and coarse and brutal even for a bar- .barian, looked well to the ways of Rus sian aggrandizement, Russia has been waiting for Persia and for an outlet through the Persian: gulf. Czars have come and czars have gone, but the purpose of the empire in thl3 direction has lived, delaying execution only for lack of opportunity. An Important step toward the long-coveted gpal was taken a few days ago, when the Russian gov ernment guaranteed a Persian loan of 2,250,000 rubles, for the payment of which the revenues of certain Persian custom-houses are pledged. Thus, while the dream of the great Peter is not yet fulfilled, it is In a fair way to be realized. Russia does not yet control Persia, but she has made a sharp ad vance toward that end. The bear has one paw over Teheran, and when fa vorable opportunity comes, will quietly extend another farther south. Perhaps it is England's preoccupa tion ln South Africa that has made Russia advance this pawn on the polit ical chessboard. The loan guarantee Is merely a safe mortgage on a cov eted territory. Whatever may bo the extremities of Persia or the needs of Russia, this mortgage will not be fore closed until another favorable oppor tunity arise when the British govern ment is not in a position to resist the approach of Russia toward Its Indian frontier. Having made a move, secure because timely and well defended, Rus sia will again serenely bide her time. Unresting, unhastlng and unspent, the patience and persistence of the Rus sian, as worked out through channels of diplomacy, are tremendous factors in the growth of empire. TIME FOR RESULTS. There are reports that the British forces in South Africa are In motion all along the line, from General Buller, ln Natal, to Generals Methuen, French and Gatacre, In Cape Colony. These reports may not be true, but they ought td be true. The recent official statement of the under secretary of war for the Salisbury cabinet, Mr. Wyndham, that Great Britain has now about 200,000 troops in South Africa, three-fourths of whom are regulars, with 452 guns, is a confession that, owing to lack of land transportation and organization of supplies, there are 70,000 troops at the seat of war that have not been in action. This? relieves the British war secretary of all respon sibility for the state of affairs In South Africa, for no country in Europe, save England, could so rapidly have sent by sea voyage of 6000 miles 200,000 men to Cape Town. Nevertheless, the responsibility re jected by the war secretary falls upon the military administrative system at home or abroad, or 70,000 of this army of 200,000 sent to South Africa would not have remained stalled for lack of transportation. The war secretary suc cessfully defends himself from the charge of Ignorance of the enemy's resources, for he proves that at the outset of the war the enemy's forces were estimated at 59,000 men; that is, 51,000 Boers and 8000 foreigners of all sorts. The strength of the Boer artil lery was also correctly given. The lack of brains and intelligence does not seem to have been in the office of the war secretary, but on the part of the army officers, who do not seem to have acted on the information given them, and who do not seem to have been able to conquer the difficulties of trans portation. Time enough has elapsed for 200,000 men to do something effective in South Africa against an army that in all 'probability never exceeded 60,000, and If the effective blow is delayed much longer, it will not be for the lack of army mules, but for the prevalence of military jackasses. The rumors of European Intervention in South Africa have no reasonable 'foundation. In the first jjlace, an offer to mediate would be sure to meet with peremptory rejection on the part of Great Britain; and Russia, backed by France, could not afford to make war on England, because the German em neror, who is really arbiter of the peace of Europe, is not only determined to avoid a rupture with Great Britain, but he would not remain neutral if Russia and France made war on Eng land. The emperor of Germany is a man of considerable brains, and he has no use for France, and while he has no hostility for Russia, the natural ally of Germany, which has an enormous army but a small fleet, is a nation that has the most powerful fleet in the world. Emperor William can "see through a ladder," and he will never remain neutral and allow France and Russia to interfere with Great Britain in the matter of the Transvaal. He will say, as Great Britain said when we were on the eve of war with Spain over Cuba, "Hands off, gentlemen." There is good, practical common sense in the "corn kitchen" idea that it is proposed to elaborate in the interests of American corn products during the Paris exposition. Not only are the corn-producing possibilities of the United States .practically boundless, but the value of corn as a foodstuff is enormous and little understood. Rel atively few persons, even in the United, States, know of the numerous, dainty and toothsome dishes that corn can be made to produce. It is proposed, there fore, to enlighten the world upon this subject by serving all who call at the "missionary cdrn kitchen" with food of which corn is the basis, free of charge. Americans visiting the exposition will be remiss in their loyal duty if they fail to present themselves at his maj esty's palace, pay their respects to King C6rn, and receive his royal compli ments in the shape of corn dodger, hoe cake, Indian pudding, pone, hominy or what not. It cost the people of Oregon $13,695 20 to provide for the care of the insane of the state during January. The per capita expense was $11 62, a showing that suggests good care and plenty of wholesome food for the 1164 patients in that institution, providing economy was practiced in the right places. The cost of maintaining these people is not grudged by the taxpayers of the com monwealth. They only ask that money which they pour out without stint for this purpose shall be honestly, hu manely and wisely applied to the best Interests of the unfortunate benefi ciaries. President McKinley, as the advocate of a neutralized canal and the open door in Nicaragua, is a far cry from the Representative McKinley who pro posed to make us a great commercial nation through tariffs prohibiting com merce. His new stand comports with his desire for the markets of the world and his request for free trade with Puerto Rico. But what heavy battal ions of his party the president has thus left far behind him! There is a great deal about the Goe bel funeral. Assassination is the most dreadful of crimes. But Mr. Goebel has reaped as he has sown. A victim of his private vengeance lies also in a bloody grave. And Goebel himself has perished in an attempt to murder the right of election in his state. Horri ble as assassination is, there is retri bution in the fact that he has perished by a crime that was a close imitation of his own. The truth about the democratic na tional committee's anxiety concerning Oregon probably is that an early na tional convention is wanted so as to get it out of the way before the Ore gon election comes along with its re buke to Bryanism. It is impossible to believe the committee is so 111 informed as to think our state conventions meet ln June to nominate condldates for an election June 4. German-Amerlcansin sympathy with the Boers will, of course, welcome any machinations of France toward the Vaterland; for is not France a repub lic? NOTE AND COMMENT. Kentucky's pugnacity is duo, of course, to her prominent Chlnn. Many of the members of the senate were elected by an extremely unpopular vote. Before General Buller goes into action again he ought to employ a new press agent. Perhaps if Governor Taylor were multi plied by nine -he would be a little more determined. Don't think every time you see a man running that he Is Aguinaldo. He may be a candidate. When it.comes to calling names, Kipling will be able to go the BoerwltUcIsms several better. Cyclones are now sweeping Illinois, no doubt seeking for Senator Mason, that they may destroy him. In a state where every political row makes a dozen new sick-shooters it will never be possible to disarm" the belliger ents. Now Bryan says we ought to hold the Philippines. Ho evidently thinks Aguinal do owes it to him to throw the Filipino vote for the democratic ticket. A well-known Portland democrat, who la for sound money but against protection and expansion, finds himself without a party and denominates himself a "gold standard populist." . Let us not hurry, Senator Allen, about Intervention in South Africa. We don't want to expand over Ireland, Canada, Australia, India, Ceylon, Hong Kong, FIJI, New Guinea, New Zealand, Bahama, Bar badoes, Bermuda, British Honduras. Ja maica and Newfoundland until we have Aguinaldo corralled. There la a story about an old Yankee farmer whose eon wished to go to dancing school. The old man labored hard with him to dissuade him, offering him first a yoke of oxen, and then a horse, if he would give up the Idea. The boy very (much desired to go, &a big .friends and acquaintances were going. He said he did not care for oxen or horses, but wanted to enjoy himself with other young people, and finally said to his father: "Why, I am told that you and mother went to dances when you wer& young people, and that you were both regular clippers at dancing." "Ah, my son," said the old man, "that is true, but I have seen the -folly of It." "Well, "by gracious," was the reply, "I will go and see the folly of it, too!" This shows that neither the wisdom nor the ex perience of the old can benefit the young, who must obtain experience for them selves. A correspondent at Ballston, Polk coun ty, asks The Oregonlan to settle a d'spute by answering the following question: "If a Sunday school has a social ln a public hall, and, after the social Is over and the Sunday school people gone home, will there be any harm done the Sunday school if another crowd rents the hall and dances there the rest of the night?" The answer ing of this question must be tindertaken with much diffidence, as there Is but little prospect that any answer which can be given will settle tire dispute. Besides, as neither the running of Sunday schools or dancing schools has been reduced to an exact science, it is not possible to give a categorical answer to the question. Peo ple's Ideas on such subjects depend large ly, a3 the old bull-puncher remarked ln regard to the choice between a whip or a gad for driving cattle, on the way they were brought up. Some people can see no moral turpltudo connected with dancing, and would see nothing wrong ln a Sunday school taking part In a dance, after their social wai over, or even In having dancing at a Sunday school social. Others con sider dancing an abomination before the Lord. Elderly people, whose dancing days are over, are especially prone to such a view, but it does not necessarily follow that either view Is right. To a person possessed of common sense, which it has been said is the most uncommon of all possession, It does not appear that danc ing In a hall where a Sunday school social has been held could ln any way harm the Sunday school, any more than If the dance had been held ln an adjoining hall, or in the next block, or ln the next county, or a week before or a week after. Those who are of a different opinion will continue to be "of the same opinion still." As the matter Is not vital to the health or happiness of any one, it may be as well to let each enjoy his own opinion In re gard to it and not attempt to settle the question definitely. p 'CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED.' A Rational Statement ot the Mean ing: of This Dictum. A writer in Education for January asks several pertinent questions relative to the application of the phrase "consent of the governed" in American history. It is now charged by the "anti-Imperialists" that the present administration at Wash ington Is subverting our form of gov ernment In so far as it attempts to ad minister the Philippines without first ob taining tho consent of the inhabitants. This leads the writer in Education to ask what was the actual meaning of the fath ers when they laid down this famous dictum in the Declaration of Indepen dence. "In the year 1776 there were probably not exceeding 3,000,000 people Inhabiting the 13 British colonies, now the seaboard Atlantic states. Of these nearly 500,000 were negro slaves; 1,500,000 were of the female sex Nearly one-third were min ors, from the cradle to 21; and several hundred thousand Indians Inhabited the Western wilds, afterward brought under the new government of the United State3. How many of these people were referred to in this formula that 'government de rives its authority from the consent or tho governed"? Were the negro slaves canvassed and their consent obtained to their condition of slavery? Were the Indians, who afterward by relentless war were swept in a body from the Atlantic slope to the unsettled wil derness beyond the MIssIssIddI? Ha3 there been, until now, any real op portunity given the 1,500,000, at pres ent 85,000,000, of the female sex to ascertain their opinion concerning the laws under which they live? Has Young America from the age of 15 to 21, beyond question more Intelligent ln all matters pertaining to government than half the people now living ln the world, Includ ing the vast majority of the Oriental peoples, been thus canvassed and its con sent obtained? There can be no doubt that at the time of the Declaration of Independence a large body perhaps a fourth, a third, possibly a half of the men ln these colonies were opposed to the revolt against the mother country. Was their 'consent obtained, either during the war or at the formation of the national government? What proportion of the ma ture white men ln these colonies, at the time they one by one accepted the con stitution of the United States, were legal .voters, and in how many of these new states was there a property or other discriminating qualification for suffrage? The reply to questions like these bring3 us down to the hard fact that Washing ton, Jefferson, Adams, Madison and Mon roe, all 'fathers' and participants in the great Declaration, were elected to tho presldentcy by what would today be re garded an Insignificant minority of the White men of mature age. Minority Rale. "Our government originally made no pretense of obtaining the legal consent of any save a majority of the legal white voters, and that majority today i3 ex panded to a plurality. Indeed, no at tempt was ever made at national life to carry into practical application this for mula of the Declaration, either ln re gard to races of people adjudged Incom petent for self-government or classes like women or minors. The body of people, always the minority, which has decided the vital question of incompetency ln our country, like every other, has always been a working majority of the more intelli gent, forceful, and generally competent men of the ruling race. The only at tempt at a republic founded practically on the consent of the masses was seen during a few months in the French revo lution, when an infuriated populace at tempted to secure unanimity and 'con sent' by destroying all opponents to 'lib erty, equality, and fraternity'; the result being a reaction to the military despotism of Napoleon I. "There1 Is doubtless a sense In which this Jeffersonlan formula has a profound meaning; that It 13 the moral obligation of every nation to educate the lower or ders of mankind in the direction of self government, and extend full citizenship as fast and as far as the safety of so ciety wW "permit. In our own "country, at home, that limit even as far as tho male sex is concerned would seem to be already reached, both In regard to great multitudes of European Immigrants ln the North and of the freedmen of the South. The proposition that the holding of a col ony of people ln the condition of mill ions of the Oriental races, with the ulti mate object of th'elr uplift through all tho opportunities' of modern Christian civilization, is a. departure from the Amer ican republican order of society and gov ernment or from the American Ideal in any way It can be applied In the present condition of mankind, so marked and vio lent as to threaten a radical change ln the national life, when analyzed Is so abso lutely visionary that It can be only ac counted for by the loose habit of thought and Indifference to the facts of human nature und life, which are In themselves today the greatest peril of the republic." o President May Defeat Subsidy Dill. New York Journal of Commerce. WASHINGTON, Feb. 1. That the ship ping bill cannot be passed without friction ln the party ranks la becoming clear to the republican managers. A good many amendments have already been made which have closed loopholes ln the original measure, which would have been very ad vantageous to the shipbuilders If they had been left open but still more radical changes are likely to be required before the necessary votes can be gotten to- Jgothor to pass tho bill. President Mc Kinley, although no advocate of a resolute national policy, is one of the best judges ln public life of the trend of political feeling, and he has already taken occasion to warn the party leaders that e&uUoa should be pursued in the matter of ex travagant appropriations. With this object the Nlcaraguan canal bill has been modi fied by both the senate and house commit tees, so that the appropriation for the first year le limited to $10,000,000, and it has been decided to pass no river and harbor bill at this session. "Whether the shipping bill phall be passed is becoming doubtful. An effort will be made to pre vent any split ln the republican ranks. and If those senators who are not in favor of the bill cannot be brought into line it may be dropped altogether for the present session. There Is much disinclina tion among the republican managers to exhibit any divisions to the public, and they would prefer to lay such a measure aside rather than have It beaten by the voto of the combined opposition and a few republicans ln either house. The Oregonlan Commended. New York Evening Post. We called attention sot long ago to th president's action In appointing to the army pay department, with the rank of major, Charles New bold, a milkman of Washington, D. C, who was over 61 years of age at the time this rank and its at tendant salary of $2500 a year were con ferred upon him. Although this officer did not even take part ln the war with Spain, he will be retired on a pension of three-fourths of his pay ln 1908, as a result of serving the government for less than four years. The republican Portland Ore gonlan has now brought out the facts In a similar case, that of Major J. A. Wat rous, who was appointed to the same rank and pay in the same corps. Like Major Newbold, this officer had seen some serv ice ln the volnteors during the civil war, which ended about years ago, but was content to stay ln civil life until he saw the chance of getting, at the age of 99, an easy berth, with a fat pension attached, as a reward for four years of office work. Major Watrous answered the charge of The Oregonlan, but could only say of his alleged use of a political pull ln getting his appointment that "there are others." Asido from the total lack of patriotism in men who can thus abuse and take ad vantage of the governmental service, there have been few worse appointments ln the history of th army than these two. They are all the more flagrant because the appointees hold places rightfully be longing to veteran officers of the army, who have earned them by hard service on. the plains and elsewhere. And yet, ln the face of such facts as these, the Imperial ists would have us bellevo that Mr. Mc Kinley is simply aching to appoint those model and ideal colonial administrators whom tho Philippine commission has so glowingly andr trustfully portrayed In Its latest report. The Oregonlan Is not an applicant for commendation, but sympathy Is welcome In this case. It is accustomed to denounce political appointees ln distant states or de pendencies, and it felt consistency required impartial application of its rule. The fact that Major "Watrous Is a genial gentleman, a versatile writer and a man of many friends, makes the task of pointing a moral from his case less attractive than ln most cases. But all these accomplish ments are only the allies of political "pull" in impairing the efficiency of tho army. e Goebel. His Work and His End. New York World, dem. Goebel became conspicuous by assatsl natlng a man who had helped him to rise from obscurity. He plotted to make him self governor of Kentcuky by assassina t.un of representative government under the cover of a cunningly unjust system of laws of his own devising. There was a counterplot to defeat him in this as sassination by the counter-assassination of that which is even more fundamental than representative government social order itself. A few weeks ago it was roasting of a half-witted troy at high noon, at one of the oldest and most reputable com munities ln the state, the citizens squab bling In the ashes of pyre over "relics" of burnt flesh. And now Kentucky pre sents another spectacle of rampant polit ical and civil savagery. The disease is not local. It permeates the whole state. In civilized states human beings are not burned to death by their fellow-beings. In a clvllizpd state legislatures do not pass laws to enable the subversion of popular government and the substltut'on of despot ism. Is It not enough for Kentucky to hang its head in shame? This Is no time for apology and excuse. It Is time for action. There are scores of thousands of men and women In Kentucky who know what civilization means. Let them assert themselves. Let them have done with the "gentleman of the old school," with h4s revolver and his bowle knife and his pas sion for lynching and for all forms of vio lence and his contempt for law and order. Kentucky has been putting herself further and further outside the pale of civiliza tion. Now is the time for the return Journey, Coming Senatorial Contest. Wallowa News. Senator McBrldo will have to exercise all his Ingenuity to be re-elected. Al ready forces are at work, and have been at work for some time, conspiring to de feat his re-election. Tho defeat of Mc Brlde will be no great loss to Oregon, as he never was the people's choice for senator, and does not possess tho ability for that high office. If Judge Stephen A Lowell were elected to the United States senate, Oregon would have at least one senator who would be heard outside his own state. Judge Lowell is a bril liant orator, a man of high and lofty motives, and Oregon would be fittingly and ably represented by him. o "Would Refrain From That. Chicago Post. "If you were rich, what would you do?" "I can't be exactly sure as to that," was the reply, "but I know what I wouldn't do." "What?" "I wouldn't put In my time trying to convince the poor that they are lueky to escape the nervous strain o'f handling great wealth." 1 B Sllstoolc the Sentiment. Washington Star. "Did you hear me sing 'Because I Love You? " asked the young man with a voice like a lathe. "I must have misunderstood," murmured Miss Cayenne. "I thought you were sing ing because you hated us." a . Excelled All the Other Boys. Washington Star. "Is there anything in which you ex celled when you went to school?" asked Miss Cayenne. "Yes," answered Willie Wlshlngton. "I made more blunders than any other boy ln the class." ' Interpretation. Charles "W. Stevenson In Chicago Reoord. "We lone for a peace that Is laetln?. "We plead for a rapture that's rare, Ijlka fishermen ceaselesoly casting Their nets ln the gulf of despair. We draw from deep waters of sorrow Dark wrecks of old failure and fear. And out of eea-sllence we borrow The storm that will never oonve near. Faith speeds past the footsteps of Duty, And halts at the door of a tomb; Thought pierces the source of all Tae&Hty And returns unto dust 'tis tho doom Of each man-child to strive and to weader; To plan for some positive gain; And only find mysteries under All life, be it pleasure or pain. IiO. ln realms of mind there Is treasure For tollers who dTvell In content; There is truth that no science can measure, And the fearless are never forespent; There la light when earth-shadows ate falling. There's reward for the deeds that are. done Where envy crowned virtues are calling. "nirougb faith, la thy victory wobI" GOSSIP OP THi tfATKWAI, eAPriiAL WASHINGTON. Feb. . Before the sub sidy bill is reported from either thm sen ate or the house 9ommMmm. H te to. b amended m w to mot Bojectioiio that have been made, and which it hi Mtovad will pass the measure in both homos. Sons surprise has been manifested Bacowoa the bill was not reported, but tWs can be ox plained by the fact that tts frmnofe can not yet see their way to a majority ln favor of the bill. From prtocip!. the democrats oppose it. being in favor of free ships. There re a number of ropwMioana in the Northwest who oppose the moanqra and It is not yet a sure tMng that the bill can pass. With tho narrow majority In the house, democratic votes mast be obtained. These are expected from Bos ton, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and some of the representatives irom Southern ports, but a majority is not yet assured, consequently the bill is held up. There le also hope expressed that James J. Hill and other powerful influences may become satisfied with the amendments made to the bill and withdraw their op position it Is said m some osarters that the concessions mads to stow viwata are satisfactory to the opposition fostered by Hill. HepBara Oppencs the Canal Treaty The opposition to the ratification of the canal treaty has subsided, and the gen eral impression now Is that the treaty will be ratified, as it Is believed there is danger in it. There is some clamor that the United States should not only build, but should absolutely control the canal with fortifications, but the leading mem bers of the senate do not seem to think this hi necessary. Representative Hepburn, who is one of the most earnest friends of the Nicara gua canal in the house, takes a strong stand against the new treaty. Ha says: "I think that the negotiation of this treaty is very unfortunate, and that It ought not to be ratified by the senate. I do not know that the pendency of the treaty will Interfere with action by con gress on the Nicaragua canal Mil, but the ratification of the treaty would certainly impair the value of the canal when con structed. "This treaty reaffirms the principles of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, concerning all the claims and contentions of Oroat Brit ain, and surrenders the claim that Great Britain has, by her own action, given us the right at any time to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. It surrenders everything to Great Britain, abandoning our contention of years that ws might abrogate the treaty at will. "Moreover, it recognises the right of any foreign power to interfere and dictate with reference to our negotiations with the Independent governments of thte con tinent. It abandons the Monroe doctrine. I think the treaty very unfortunate, and earnestly hope that it win not be ratified by the senate." Test ef Taertte. The navy departnrisnt is to make an other test of thorite, the sxntostvs in vented by Dr. Tuttle, of Washington, to de terrains whether a reasonable amount of it can be projected throusm heav; armor-plate and made to destroy the con fined Interior of a ship. If thff can be done, as is claimed hv the inventor, its far-reaching effect will be Inestimable in naval warfare. For the test a heavy shell, capable of piercing eight inches of Harveyized plate has been selected, and Dr. Tuttle will undertake to explode enough of it in the shell after it passes through the plate to destroy the pro tective deck, flooring and other surround ing material of a ship. So far, no power ful substance has been found that would not be exploded by the tremendous im pact of the shell on the plate, and If these tests prove successful, thorite wilt make necessary a revolution ht armored shlf construction. The TV'ariH Spring Tremble. James L. Cowan and Samuel B. Da-vis, agent and superintendent, respectively, on the Warm Springs Indian agency! are ln Washington, to appear before the commis sioner of Indian affairs. Davis Is rest ing under serious charges which he will endeavor to overturn, while Agent Cowan will endeavor to have Davis transferred. There has been considerable friction be tween the two and the transfer ef one or the other will probably result. Alaska Custom-Iisase Changed. Senator Foster notified the shipping in terests of Paget sound today that the ap plication to change the custom-house from Mary island. Alaska, to Ketiehikan nan been approved by the treasury department. Practically all of the shipping interests operating steamers between Pugst sound and Alaska favored this change. Blsger IlerwaaH'd Werlc. Congressman Jones introduced a concur rent resolution today for JtveM coniec of Blnger Hermann's work on "the Louisiana purchase." Harber Improvement! Will 6e On. While there is genuine cause for regret that there will be no river and harbor bill at this session of congress, the evil effects of this determination will not be so widespread in Oregon ss in many states. The principal project that will be materially interfered with Is the deep ening of the channel at the mouth of tho Columbia river to the 4Meet depth recom mended by the engineers. There Is a bal ance on hand of over $7W for this Im provement, but that is a mere drop in tho bucket, as compared to the cost of secur ing that depth. In the case of most of the other improvements there are suf ficient funds now available to carry on the work until the bill is passed at the next session. For Instance, if the secre tary of war determines to go ahead with the Improvement at The Dalles, there is over 9906.099 for the work, and by tho time this Is expended there would be an other appropriation for the continuance ot the work. There Is 11-10,000 for improving the Columbia and Willamette below Port land, a sufficient sum to continue the work for some time, although not sufficient by any means to secure the desired depth of channel. Still, with this fund, there la no excuse for suspending work at this point. In the case of many of the other improvements there are sufficient funds now on hand to carry the work along un interrupted until the next bill paonro and more funds are available. Then, in ad dition to these there are those projects which have been placed under what is known as the continuing contrast system, and there will be no delay on them, as .they are annually provided for in the sun dry civil bill, until the project Is complet ed. So, in spite of the fact that there wilt be no river and harbor bill, Oregon improvements generally wttt ndt receive any material setback. Beers and CeagreximeB. Self-interest cuts quite a figure m the sympathies which people have in tho mat ter of struggling foreign nations or parts of foreign nations. It is recalled that long before anything was done for Cuba, Call of Florida, who represented people who wanted the annexation of Cuba, kept pounding away in the senate in favor of Cuban independence and Cuban liberty. Just now the most active man in favor of the Boers are certain men from Michi gan. William Alden Smith, of the house, who lives in Grand Rapids, and Senator McMillan. It appears that there are a great many Dutch settlers In and about Grand Rapids and other parts of Michi gan. These Hollanders have been stak ing it very Interesting for the Mfeshlgaa men, especially for Mr. Smith. There are enough of them in his district to elect almost anybody a member of congress. If they get in a body tor their candidate. In the past years they have been friends of Mr Smith. This, in a measure, ac counts for Mr. Smith's sympathies and efforts to have a minister and consul-general provided for in the diplomatic and consular appropriation bill for tho Trans vaal Mr Smith has also been Indefati gable la his effortg to get something: dons at the Whit House for tlw Boer.