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THE MORNING OREGONIAN, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1900.
waisK- op - j
THE -GREAT -ANTI -SLAM CRUSADER
(Copyright, 1000, by SsyroourEateS " f 1r f I B ,
GREAT AMERICAN STATESMEN
Owrtrifeutow to tbi cwiwe: Prof. Albert Bush
Bell Kut PreC Jeha Bach JIcMiurter, Prof.
Charles H. SeatUk, Dr. Frederic "W. Spelifc,
Pref. Andrew C. MoLaugatin and otters.
Is in all probability the very broadest
thins In the world and great enough to
embrace In It3 consideration the -whole
of humanity. I3. nofarge enough to
hold In reverence and, love a husband dU
' vlded by three, and no woman capable of
THE OREGONIAN'S HOME STUDY CIRCLE: DIRECTED BY PROF. SEYMOUR EATON j ff Roberts" rilwbSerrhai-
1 lng defied the law of God and man, and
no woman could, with any degree of rea
son, expect him to live up to promises"
made to her, except those of course which
pleased him. If meh of today lived up to
the divine obligation as taught by every
breath of American civilisation there
would be such a change in the order of
human affairs as to make the souls of
Martin Luther and Jeanne D'Arc send
up a shout which would be heard through
all Christendom.
In regard to the much-married aspirant
for congressional honors, the people
should consider Tiow annoying this must
be to the Mistresses Roberts. Think of
those two or three or four female links,
that bind Mr. Roberts to hisjiearthstoue!
My sympathy has gone out to them, but
now that they have" a notoriety that rivals
either Mrs. Dewey orKhe Interest in Lady-
XVI. CHAUIiES SUMXEH.
BT JAMBe ALBERT WOODBURN, PH. D.
There are those who believe that a na
tion's history is involved in the lives of
its greet men. The life of Charles Sum
ner certainly very largely embodies the
history of the anti-slavery conflict in
America. To study that life Is to study
the causes, the issues and the results of
the great struggle for emancipation and
union, and to know the merits of that
straggle He must needs know something
of the life and service and character of
Charles Sumner.
SsmBer, the Scholar and Jurittt.
Little need be said of Sumner's early
Mfe. Born in Boston, January 6, 1811, he
became a graduate of Harvard in 1830.
Like Motley, he enjoyed early affluence
and advantages, and succeeded in spite
of them. In 1881 he entered the Harvard
law school, where he studied under the
renowned Judge Joseph Story. He con
tinued for several yeurs to apply himself
to study in classroom, office and library.
bringing to his books a marvelous mem
ory and extraordinary Intellectual Indus
try. He spent the years from VTi to 1840
abroad, as a student and observer, in Lon
don, Paris, Rome, Berlin and other Euro
pean centers, becoming acquainted with
the leading public men of Europe. His
studies and taste led him toward poli
tics and the law. His legal studies were
not such as would develop the shrewd
practitioner at the bar; for as his eulo
gist, Mr. George "William Curtis, after
ward said of him, "He was not formed for
a Jury lawyer where the Jury was less
than a nation or mankind," and, hi sport
ing language, "though he had a fine eye
for country, he had a poor scont for the
trail." His tastes drew him rather to
public and constitutional law the law of
peace and war and of nations and in
these he had a preparation that stood him
In good stead in the years to come. In
these W years of study and travel and re
flection we find developing Sumner the
scholar a scholar whose attainments
were admirably manifested In his first
notable public oration, delivered July 4,
18, on "The True Grandeur of Nations,"
a magnificent plea for peace, a severe de
nunciation of war.
Sumner, , the Free-Soiler.
But of greater interest is Sumner the
anti-slavery senator and moral reformer.
The inspiration of Sumner's early public
career is found in the cause of free soil.
He became interested very early in the
anti-slavery movement. He was a sub
scriber to the Liberator in its early years,
and he was a friend of Garrison, Phillips
and Channing. In 1S41 he critclsed Web
ster's correspondence in the "Creole
case" as giving unnecessarily national
support and countenance to the slave in
terest He denouced the admission of Tex.
as, and he held the war with Mexico to
be "unconstitutional In origin, unjust
In character and detestable In object."
and, above all, he held that If additional
territory be forced upon us "from all such
territory slavery should be forever ex
cluded." At the conclusion of the Mexi
can war, with the prospect before us of
slavery extension toward the south and
west. Sumner felt that the time had come
when men of all parties should unite
against slavery. In politics he was a
whig. But lie understood that a party
was a means, not an end, and if his party
would not serve his purpose he w ould find
an organisation that would.
Sumner and the Fnsrltlvc Slave Lair.
On November 6, 1869, In Faneuil hall,
soon after the passage of the fugitive
slave Jaw of that year, Sumner spoke on
"Our Immediate Anti-Slavery Duties."
This was a remarkable speech. He de
nounced the fugitive slave law and de
liberately counseled resistance.
"I will not," he said, "dishonor this
home of the pilgrims and of the revolu
tion by admitting nay, I cannot believe
that this bill will be executed here.
Among us, as elsewhere, individuals may
forget humanity In fancied loyalty to law,
but the public conscience will not allow a
man who has trodden our streets as a
freeman to be dragged away as a slave."
This is the speech that is said to have
made Sumner senator. It sounded the
keynote for the free sellers of America
in the face of the "finality" legislation
and compromise of 1860. The speech was
denounced as treasonable by Southern
men and apologists f or. slavery, and It Is
certain that more than anything else it
determined Sumner's selection by the free
soil party as Its candidate for the senate.
In the election of 1850 there was a coali
tion in Massachusetts between the free
Boilers and the democrats in the choice of
state senators and representatives, with
the understanding that the state officers
chosen by the legislature should be dem
ocrats and the United States senator a
free soller. Sumner was chosen senator
In April. 186L after a long contest.
"He was not a member of either of the
great parties. He was pledged then, and
,always and only, to his sense of right. He
stood for no partisan end whatever, but
simply and solely for uncompromising re
sistance to slavery." Curtis.
In the senate it was with difficulty that
Sumner found an opportunity to speak
upon his "one idea." It was not until
August 36, 1862, that by a parliamentary
maneuver he gained his chance. He
then made his celebrated speech for the
"Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law."
This is recognized as the masterpiece
among Sumner's anti-slavery orations.
Mr. Curtis pronounces it "the most sig
nificant event in the senate since Web
ster's reply to Hayne, and an epitome of
Sumner's whole career." In maintaining
his fundamental thesis "that freedom
was national and slavery was sectional"
Sumner held that wherever there was na
tional power there was national respon
sibility, and that this responsibility could
not be discharged unless that power were
used In restraint of slavery. Therefore
he demanded the inEtant Tepeal of the fu
gitive slave bill, the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, that congress
should prohibit slaver in the territories,
that the domestic slave trade be re
strained, especially on the high seas, un
der the national flag, and that the na
tional government should go to the limit
of Its constitutional power to relieve It
self front all responsibility for slavery.
This was, substantially, the free soil plat
form. The conservative character or
Sumner's speech is seen In the fact that
in Us constitutional argument against the
fugitive slave bill he fell beck, on the
compact theory of. the constitution in
that he held that the fugitive slave clause
of that document was not a power-conferring
clause, but merely a compact agree
ment among the states. Its enforcement
must be left to state comity.
"BWYery." he mM en a farmer occasion,
"where we are parties to It, wherever we are
t uafimHrte fur H. everywhere within our Jur
Mtcttoo. Mart be otae-4 br ever Inrtru
ment cf tfce poMttcal powr-r It is a mis
take to eharg-e that w seek to interfere
through concrete with wJaverv In the states.
Our retttteat aim well as eur political
duties' are eeextenatve est) with our political
respoaetMlMes."
Such was the message that Sumner gave
the senate and the nation in 1862, and
such was his constant, uncompromising
platform in the great anti-slavery con
flict. SsmBcr'i Inflexible and Uncompromising-
Character.
In MM Sumner made a plea against the
Douglas repeal of the Missouri compro
mise. eaMtog the repealing bill "at the
same time the worst and the best bill in
the aanak of congress," for while It broke
down an historic barrier against slavery
it at the same time placed the great an
tagonists, Freedom and Slavery, face to
face and bade them grapple. He was de
nounced and buffeted and badgered in the
senate as a fanatic, a. traitor and a per
jured vlolater of his oath, on account of
his public utterance aga.nst returning the
fugitive slave. "Is thy servant a dog?"
he answered, in the words of the prophet,
"that be should do this thing?" Against
his assailants, Butler of South Carolina,
Mason of Virginia, Douglas of Illinois, Pet
tit of Indiana, and others, he defended the
principles of the Declaration of Independ
ence, and facing, as Jackson faced, an ad
verse supreme court decision, he quoted
Jackson and Buchanan as good demo
cratic authority for the position that when
a public official swears to support the con-
FILIPINOS NOT WARLIKE
IXTERVIEW-WirHVN EX-MEMBER
OF AGUIXALDO'S CABINET.
Future Pence of the Philippines De
pends on Course Pursued by the
"Washington Government.
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chari.f suanv'ER.
making the trip of 36 miles, which is at
the rate of about two miles per hour. As
to his preference for stage or steamer
travel, Captain Hans Is of opinion that
wfhlcnever way a man went he would
Tylsn that he had gone, the other.
e
ANGLO-BOER WAR.
American History ns a Source of
Anti-British Feeling.
stltutlon he swears to support It as he un
derstands It. not as It is understood by
others.
On May 19, 1S36, Sumner delivered his
celebrated speech In the senate on "The
Crime Against Kansas," the speech for
which he was assaulted by Brooks. Sum
ner's speeches were very offensive to his
opponents. When he assailed slavery its
advocates felt themselves to be personally
Insulted. The passage In this speech to
which exception was taken was certainly In
bad taste, and It shows personal offensive
ness, if not coarseness. Mr. Rhodes, the
historian of the period, finds no " apology
for Sumner's bitter personal attack on Sen-
ator Butler. But Sumner did not trans
gress the bounds of parliamentary deco
rum, and he was not called to order by
the president of the senate or by any sen
ator. In Sumner the uncompromising
Southerner met aggression, boldness, defi
ance, denunciation, equal to his own
forms of speech to which he had not been
accustomed. Brooks' bludgeon merely re
vealed the spirit and weakness of slavery.
For four years Sumner was absent from
his seat In the senate, under medical
treatment in Europe. He returned to his
seat in 18C0, and in the notable session of
lSCO-1 he was a strong opponent of any
form of compromise: he held that the
slavery question did not admit of compro
mise; it did not come within the domain
of expediency. "To be wrong on this Is
to be wholly wrong. On this question
there is no other side." In this convic
tion, therefore, when at the opening of
the war, as Miss Martlneau relates, every
public man Jn the country with whom
she talked agreed that silence upon slave
ry was the sole condition of preserving
the Union when in this crisis Sumner
was appealed to to vote for the Crittenden
compromise and save the country from
war, he answered: "I must do my duty;
I can vote for no concession to human
slavery." In this he spoke more as the
moral reformer than as the statesman,
more like one who has been well described
as "conscience Incarnate."
In other phases of Sumner's public ca
reer he filled an Important place in the
history of his country. But these, in the
story of his life, will always be subordi
nate to his career as an anti-slavery ad
ocate and statesman. From 1SG1 to 1872
he was chairmar of the senate committee
on foreign affairs, and In that position.
so entirely in accord with his tastes, he
contributed materially to the literature
of international law. His great speech
on the "Trent Affair," January 9, 1S62, is
ono of his ablest productions, and It
placed the surrender of Mason and Slldell
on the most acceptable ground on ground
sounder and more tenable than that as
sumed by Secretary Seward. That the
country was ready to acquiesce In the
surrender of the Confederate envoys. It
has been said, was due to Sumner, who
made It clear that the action was In ac
cordance With principles always main
tained by the United States and in ac
cordance with our humane and peaceful
traditions of neutrality.
The war over, Sumner spoke for concili
ation and amnesty. He harbored no re
sentment or revenge. But he never wa
vered In his devotion to the cause of
equal civil and political rights for
all men, regardless of race, color
or previous condition of servitude,
and when he died, in 1874, It
may be said that the struggle for the
protection by national power of the South
ern freedmen In their civil and political
privileges came to an end.
To Sumner's mind politics was an en
nobling pursuit. His life forcibly Illus
trated his maxim that "politics Is but the
application of moral principles to pub
lic affairs." He brought to his political
life profound conviction, supreme con
scientiousness, great resources, careful
training, unselfish devotion to the public
weal, and the Indomitable martyr spirit
of the reformer. In times like these It
Is well that the American people should
turn to the contemplation of such a life.
Indiana University.
smith, I am Inclined to weep with the
man from Utah. When we consider the
responsibility of looking after one wom
an, just think of a man who buys "tailor-made
gowns" for .several. Then think
of what a power ho would bo In attack
ing any of the three or four-sided ques
tions that are driving our senators to
matrimony and the grave.
However, we ought to "wake the
echoes" when It comes to a question of
principle just as we must lull to sleep
the conflicts that arise In our own house
holdsfor are we not rocking the cradle
of our infant government? F. M. H.
a
THE PRO-BOER MEETING.
Here In a Correspondent Who Rises
for Information.
GOOD-BY, ROBERTS.
Pence .Go AVith nim to Ills Labyrinth
of Woes antl Wives.
REPUBLIC, Wash., Jan. rr (To the
Editor.) After a play that was hardly a
sucess from a dramatic standpoint, con
gress has found that Roberts Is a poly
gamlst. There were several wagon-loads
of petitions lying at Washington, and
Roberts Is denied a seat In the hall. One
thing the case has done it shows how
eager the average congressman is to as
sume a virtue he does not necessarily
possess. In deference to public opinion,
they voted the Utah man out.
To the sentimentality that tries to find
somo excuse for Roberts in his labyrinth
of woes and wives, and thinks him hon
est when he claimed to be making the
row out of "loyalty to women" because
"they are good and true," and sought to
hide behind "some diviner right than even
that of the church, it should be remem
bered that though the soul of a woman
PORTLAND, Feb. l.-(To the Editor.)
It was my good fortune to attend the
pro-Boer meeting last Saturday night, and
to be most highly edlfld and entertained
by the astute and scholastic speakers. Es
pecially did the observations of the Hon.
Judge O'Day strike me when he stated
what a thorough American citizen he was,
and that the United States, through Its
executive and legislative branches In
Washington, D. C., should send some tan
gible evidence of Its sympathy with the
Boers In the shape of resolutions of con
dolence. I do not wish to discuss the merits or
demerits of such proposed action, though
doubting Its dlplomacj and expediency;
but, when a brilliant orator like the Judge
assumes such a conspicuous and pro
nounced attitude before an Intelligent
Portland audience, our minds naturally re
vert to the time when Cuba was having
her trouble with Spain. When Cuba was
in distress, why did-we not hear words of
commiseration from such a learned man
as Judge O'Day? Why did we not hear
from these distinguished speakers ear
lier? The judge Is a fine talker, and, no doubt,
Is entitled to credit for the patriotic (?)
stand he has taken; in fact, we ought to
be proud that we have such a frank, out
spoken man In our midst; but, for the
sake of consistency, why did we not hear
from him at the time before mentioned?
To be candid, the meeting at the Metro
politan theater Saturday night was but
little more than a democratic dodge to
catch votes. To a man viewing the sit
uation from a broad-gauge standpoint, this
conclusion is not only logical, but irresisti
ble. There be but few Cuban votes In the
United States, but votes from the German
and Dutch element are in abundanoe, and
must be catered to in some wise.
Without drawing this communication to
an undue length, allow me, as good
an American citizen as any one can
be, to state that the declaration of war
in Africa was not a despairing struggle for
liberty, but a bold bid for empire. It was
not to preserve what the Transvaalers
had, but to get what they had not Their
desire was to make the Orange Free
State and the Transvaal a separate,
Dutch-speaking paramount power, and to
exclude forever the Britisher from any
dominating Influence in that part of the
world.
Our word for It, If the union jack'waved
over the Transvaal and the Orange Free
State, the only result would be that hence
forth good government and justice would
prevail, and If prosperity followed, that
Great Britain would share It, as was Its
custom, with the whole of the civilized
world. D. C. WILSON.
0
The Roberts Cnse.
ADNA, Wash., Jan. 29. (To the Editor.)
While reading In The Oregonlan today
the way a woman criticised Roberts" de
fense, which he made in congress the
other day, I am struck 'with "horror to
think that there is a woman In this re
public who will denounce the Bible and
Martin Luther, when taken as a basis
for defense, and furthermore Is afraid
that such an assumption will cast a shad
ow and disgrace the American people.
I want to know whether slavery disgraced
the American people, and still will for
years to ccme; If so, then of all wrongs
we have done or crimes our ancestors
have committed, we should be ashamed
of such. In other words, If a father com
mits a crime and is convicted, and not let
to enter the halls of congress, any more,
then his son, the product of American
soil, should be convicted and deprived
of such privileges. Any sound-minded
person that claims that Roberts held up
polygamy surely misinterprets his lan
guage, because the last thing Roberts safd
when ne left congress was that polygamy
was dead, and. If not, Is dying as fast
as it can, and he does not hold it up.
FRANK RADMAKER.
t a
Advice Gratis tt Salem,
Albany Democrat.
takes money and action to build
WASHINGTON, Jan 27.-tfhe of the
Western senators has just-ieceHed a co. y
of the Manila Tribune of December 0, m
which is printed an exiendtd interview
with Senor Mablna, foimetly a member
of the cabinet of the rebel chief, Agui
naldo, and who, according to the paper,
is considered to be one of the braln.es t
diplomats among them. In the curse of
his interview he make3 several state
ments, which, if he can be taken as a rep
rescntatKe Ull-pino, would lnalca.e that
spurring them on, might readily be Induced
the natives, without their wanike leader
to accept the terms that are offered thm.
by the United States. Tne statement or
benor Mablna is. as follows:
J. cannot give the number of Flilp:no
soldiers who have been arrayed against
jou during the present insurrection, be
cause my duties as a cabinet minister had
little in common with the military side
of our government. I once asked for
information concerning our forces, but it
was not given me, for what reason I co
not care to state.
"For the same reason I am utterly un
prepared to name you the number of our
casualties up to the date of my discon
nection with our government.
"Since last May 1 have been removed
from political life. After my leaving the
cabinet I made my home a Rosales, a
town in the province of Nueva EcIJa, sit
uated between Tayug and Bayomboag,
"From my own personal observations, I
believe that the future peace of the Phil
ippines depends entirely on the course pur
sued by the Washington government
towards the Filipino people.
"If the United States gives us a free.
liberal government, one that will satisfy
my people, under which they may l.ve
happily and contented, I do not foresee a
repetition of past events.
"In fact, the main thing ,'s to sat'sfy the
people In the form of government estab
lished; then there will be enduilng peace.
If the people are happy, they will lend
no aid whatsoever to future Insurrection,
and without the support of the people any
revolut.onary movement will prove a fail
ure. "Discontented, the people will give sup
port to- the men In the field, who arc
fighting to obtain a liberal form of gov
ernment. Contented, the people will be
faithful to the regime and there will be no
trouble.
"Remember, I am speaking strictly from
a personal standpoint, and not as a rep
resentative of the Filipino government
"We maintained the rebellion against
American authority not with idea of ob
taining our actual Independence, for we
soon recognized that we were too weak
a people to cope with a power like the
United States of America. Our idea was
to force the Americans to eventually give
us a government that would prove satis
factory to all concerned.
"I confess this much, that we failed In
our effort, because we lacked food and
ammunition, and because we sadly mis
managed our own affairs. But the ideas
we fought for are not forgotten, and never
will be.
"We have Impressed upon the United
States the mode of government we want
and need, and If it is accorded U3 we will
prove loyarcltizens; if not I believe that
there will be much dissension In the fu
ture. Mf a revolutionary movement has
the sympathy of ttie people It will prosper
to a certain extent.
"The guerrilla warfare, which has fol
lowed the disbanding of our troops, will
be easily terminated If the guerrillas fail
to secure the sympathy and support of the
Filipino people at large and this help will
not be accorded them if the people find
that the Americans have the welfare and
Interests of the Filipinos at heart. Other
wise, I believe that .guerilla warfare can
be kept up for an Indefinite period by the
natives, who are well acquainted with the
wild mountain country.
"The American congress, I understand,
will determine the form of government for
the Philippines. I do not believe they
can do this with equity and justice unless
they first consult the foremost men among
us, and act to a great extent in accord
ance with their council."
INSPECTING COOS BAY.
Captain Harts Finds Improvements
Progressing; Well.
It
creameries. Tceihutter will never come
j live churning,"
until after some
Persons suffering from sick headache,
dizziness, nausea, constipation, pain in the
side, are asked to try one vial of Carter's
I Little Liver Pills.
Captain W. W. Harts, United States en
gineers, who has charge of government
work on the coast of Oregon, having been
unable to get down to Tillamook bay, went
on a tour of Inspection of the works at
Coos bay and the Coqullle river, from
which he has just returned. He took pas
sage on the steamer Homer, which Is run
ning In place of the Alliance, and was
four days on the trip. Off Taqulna bay
they encountered a violent blow against
which the steamer labored for 24 hours
without making more . than five miles
headway, and of the 12 or-15 passengers,
Captain Harts and a commercial traveler
were the only ones who put In an appear
ance at every meal.
Captain Harts inspected the jetty work
at Coos bay and found it making very
satisfactory progress. The tramway has
been extended 115 feet, and the delivery
of stone is very satisfactory. The stone
is brought from the government quarries
and an adjoining new quarry, 20 miles up
the Coos river, and about 500 tons. In fine,
large blocks, some weighing eight tons.
Is delivered daily. It is impracticable to
deposit the stone on the jetty directly
from the barges, on account of the con
stant swell, so It Is carried out on the
tramway on trains of five cars at a time,
and dumped, and thus the enrockment
proceeds rapidly.
A visit was made to the upper bay,
where a number of beacons have been
placed to mark the channel. They have
proved a great convenience to navigators,
as now vessels have no trouble In getting
out on a single tide, while formerly it
used to take two tides. The people are
much pleased with these aids to naviga
tion, which have materially Increased the
shipments of coal.
Captain Harts then proceeded to the
Coqullle, where he found- that the con
tractor for the extension of-the jetty had
made a fine start on the job, the tram
way having been extended 100 feet, or
about one-third of the distance contract
ed for, and the jetty being partially en-
rocked for that distance. The channel
at the mouth of the Coqullle Is better than
It has been for a long time, there being
10 feet depth of water, which Is three feet
more than Is called for.
There is a very large business being
done in shipping lumber, from just above
Bandon. Captain Harts will send a. dredge
over to the Coqullle In April, to remove
a very awkward rock, which Is an ob
struction to the entrance of the liver, af
ter which she will go to the upper river,
to remove some snags and deepen the
channel on some bars, which obstruct
navigation there.
From Coqullle Captain Harts proceeded
to Port Orford, where he had not been
before," as he wished to see the place and
the port, in case he may be called upon
to make a report In regard to it He found
a pretty little village situated on a beauti
ful and picturesque bay, and says the
scenery; there reminded him more of the
Mediterranean than any place he has be
fore visited on the1 toast He returned
home by stage across the Coast range to
Drain, and found the road In very bad
condition, worse than he had ever before
seen it They had one breakdown and a
narrow escape from going over a grade,
and were from 4:30 A. M. till 9:C0 P. LL in
PORTLAND, Jan. 3L-(To the Editor.)
Many persons ar saying a few words
some are saying a great deal on both
sides of the question in the matter of the
position Americans should take In the
South African war, and If you can sparo
space" I would be glad to express my views
on this subject
In the first place, this war would prob
ably not have been so earnestly discussed
In this country, had It not been for the
attitude of our high officials and that of
many papers published In the United
States. The fact that we speak what is
called the English language needs have no
influence on our sentiment for while we
were at war with England ourselves we
spoke thls same language. Then, again,
all Americans are not descendants of Eng
lish people, even If they do speak the
tongue, and none In this country have any
reason to feel they owe sympathy or alle
giance to Great Britain because of cur
language.
Do we owe England sympathy or alle
giance because of the fact that she Is a
large buyer of our products? I think not.
England buys our products because she
has use for them and needs them not be
cause of any maudlin sentiment or broth
erly love.
It has been said. In clippings printed in
The Oregonlan, that we should support
England In this war because we need her
to help us hold the Philippines against
the powers Interested In Asia, also, that If
England falls In this war, we will be at
the mercy of European powers, who, it Is
alleged, are planning the partition of
South America in a way something simi
lar to the operations In China. Now, as
to the first assertion, I believe that if the
United States has any territory which it
cannot hold without the assistance of
Great Britain or any other foreign power.
the best thing we can do is to get rid of
such territory. In regard to the other ar
gument, that we need the success of Eng
land In order to keep other greedy Euro
pean nations from violating the Monroe
doctrine, It may be said that we have
struggled along pretty well for oyer a
century now without any outside assist
ance. And it may not be out of place to
add that an American president, about
four years ago, found It necessary to
notify England that the Monroe doctrine
"went." Right after our rebellion, France
was put out of Mexico, and it may be re
membered that at that time England was
not our best friend. Still we were able
to take caie of ourselves and I believe we
always will be, notwithstanding there are
some in the land who seem to think we
are still an English colony.
The United States fought two wars with
Great Britain. We need not argue why
we came to blows. The record the British
made In the methods of carrying on her
wars In this country are matters of his
tory, and do net shine with particular
splendor. The war of 1812 was forced upon
the United States by England for the pur
pose of regaining her lost colonies. The
case looks nearly parallel to England's
conduct in the preliminaries to the present
war. In 1812 she forced the United States
to declare war, and in a similar way she
forced the Transvaal to open hostilities
and for about the same reason. And the
Boers are doing about as well as the
Americans did.
It Is claimed we should support England
because she was our friend in the Spanish
war. The fact that she upheld us in a
worthy cause Is no reason that we should
be bound tq support her in everything sho
may undertake especially when she at
tempts to repeat the history of her wars
against us.
It Is a fact and all Americans know It
who have studied history or who have at
tended our public schools that the United
States does not exist by the sufferance of
Great Britain, but In spite of her. It Is
another fact that our citizens are not all
English descendants, and that one citi
zen if he is a law-abiding, good, honest
man is as good as another. And it is
quite possible there are more citizens of
the United States who are not English
born than there are English-American cit
izens; and it is just as well not to consider
too lightly the sentiment of the citizens
of this country who hall from other coun
tries besides England. Besides, there are
American-born Americans (and It Is pos
sible there are millions of them) who,
from their school training In the history
of the United States, have no love for
Great Britain, and their sentiment is cer
tainly with the people of South Africa
not because they are Dutch, either and
they cannot be blinded by this talk of the
"promotion of civilization" by the Eng
lish. It Is claimed that the Boers are uncouth,
slow, unprogresslve, and, in fact, barbar
ous and uncivilized. Why? Because they
have no large cities? Then to be a farmer
must be a crime against civilization. Is it
because the Boer doesn't speak the Eng
lish language? There are other languages.
Is It because he is a heathen? He Is re
puted to be a good Christian. Perhaps It
is yes, it must be because his clothes
don't fit him; he probably doesn't copy
his style from the Prince of Wales.
I believe the large majority of our peo
ple are against Great Britain in this war,
and I believe they are more in earnest in
their opposition because of the effort of
the press to make it appear otherwise.
H. WAGNER.
9
production of the higher animals, direct
follows."
Were all men ef the mental capacity o
Darwin and Spencer, this had been excel
lent pabulum for the masses. The worl
would have been uplifted by such teach
lng and broadened. But as men cannot b
made to think deep.y by mere precept, thli
passage, which In the mouth of Darwin
was a divine message, when formed by
unworthy lips becomes. "Procuraes to the
Lords of Hell."
In their mad search for the "soul of
good in things evil," the rabble, little
skilled In that fine acumen which betok
ens the philosopher, confound the sense
of this theorem and use it as a weapon to
degrade the human race and defeat the
purpose of its great enunclator. Evolu
tion, in the mind of a primitive thinker
becomes blatant, unblushing atheism, and
there is nothing more hideous In nature
than the "Blastoderm" who dluternally
vaunts his noxious principles in defense
of ail the brutalizing tendencies of human
nature, in the guise of "natural selection
This Is applloable to nations. We talk
glibly of the advance of civilization, the
"survival of the fittest" (than which no
more damnable phrase was 'ever coined)
and of "manifest destiny," yet we blind
ourselves to the fact that the moral con
cept of a great people, committed in re
straint of a vicious tendency, is the voice
of God.
I am not pessimistic enough, however,
to concede that such hideous spectacles
as the French revolution, the Napoleonic
wars, the "Great Rebellion" or the pres
ent South African slaughter, are neces
sary to the reform of abuses. Some Di
ogones wHl cite the facts as they live In
history to confute any argument I might
put forth in support of my belief, and as
usual the mob will applaud his jeu d'
esprit and cry as of old, "Not this man.
but Barabbas!" for such is the perversity
of humanity. Therefore, I will let the
question rest with mere predte&tfon of
my faith In the ultimate triumph of good.
Today, two groat hosts are eon tending
in South Africa for possession, of the soli.
The victor is destined to drink the "wine
of Thrasymene" when the strife is con
cluded, for men are being mangled, slaugh
tered and broken in mind and body by
thousands. It Is probable that a few
weeks will have seen this swelled to tens
of thousands. In England. Ireland, Scot
land. Canada and Australia there have
been teara and breaking hearts and
homes blighted and ruined. Land Is be
ing laid waste, towns and cities desolated,
great works of engineering skill, the
mighty fruits of human energy and intel
ligence, destroyed. The minds of men
are belntr Inflamed wltn the lust of war.
Their nostrils have caught the odor ot
human blood and God alone knows where
the end Heth. And this Is being con
doned in the holy names of liberty and
civilization. The deeper portent that
hints of crashing empires and of tottering
thrones Is lost in the dulclloquy of Idle
phrases that bespeak the moral Inaptitude
of their authors.
Let us, as a people, "pause to pray,"
for though we be but atheists, we shall,
at least draw from the elements, as tt
were, a certain calmness of mind that
will give our madding brains an Interval
In which to Tegain their moral equilibrium.
C. LEOVERT SETES.
THE PALATIAL
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fJO PLATES WvkU
SOUTH AFRICAN WAR.'
An Equation of Right and Wrong to
Baule the Most Astute Casuist.
PORTLAND, Jan. 3L (To the Editor.)
A question Involving the immolation of a
natiori could not fail to elicit world-wide
Interest and criticism. The Transvaal and
Natal are today the amphitheater round
which the nations gather, awaiting the
signal, "Habetl" from the victor's lips.
And it is a certainty that the thumbs will
be turned down when the victim lies pros
trate. The merits of the case have been
exhaustively discussed, and It is not my
purpose to dwell upon them. The passion-distorted
features of the writers
gleam through every line that ha3 been
pffered for publication. I have read the
fustian of one whose emotional prejudice
led him to quote such phrenetic rhapsody
as Cowper, the insane hymnist, effused
In one of his wildest deliriums. This in
lieu of logic. I have perused with some
amusement the fulmination of the "fiat
crank" who found In this terrible clash
of nations a pretext for venting his fa
vorite hobby; and I have viewed with
sympathy the efforts of the partisan re
ligionist who saw Jehovah perched like a
victory on the banner of his principal
and the devil poised like an ominous cloud
upon that of the other combatant. Lastly,
I have decided to view the question as one
presenting those perplexing points of
logic, to which Kant has given the name
of "antinomies." It Is a case wherein
Ahriman and Ormuzd assume protean
aspects of good or evil an equation of
right and wrong which baffles the most
astute casuist.
Anent the controversy Itself, therefore.
I have nothing to offer, but there is ap
parent a phase of the criticisms which
cannot but be viewed by reasonable ob
servers as an epiphany of the moral cal
lousness of this civilization and era, the
atavism of the soul, which history teaches
us has ever signaled the approach of great
social convulsions and dissolutions. I al
lude to the materialistic tone of press and
public There 13 a passage in the conclu
sion of Darwin's "Origin of Species"
which might have been taken as a text
by all these commentators. It reads:
""From the war of nature, from famine
and death, the most exalted object which
we are capable of conceiving, namely, the
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Hooi
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BAXKXftS LIFE ASSOCIATION, of " i
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HA.MMOND. A. B
HEIDINGBR. GEO. A. A CO , Pianos a Ji
Orgaw 131 -
KOLLISTBR. DR. a C, Phys. ft urg W
IDLEMAN. C. M , Attarney-at Law 4
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WOOD, PR. W. L.. Physician 412
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