THE MORNING .OREGONIAN, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 31, 1900.
j- j
Senator Bacon Spoke on
Resolution." '
His
PLEA FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT
Tie -Declaration of Sncli a. Policy, He
Declared, Would Terminate
tlie "War.
"WASHINGTON, Jan. 20. For more
than three hours today Bacon, of Geor
gia occupied the attention of the senate
with a discussion of the Philippine ques.
tion. His argument, wbich had for its
basis his own resolutions declaratory of
the government's policy toward the -fhil-lppines,
-was listened to carefully by his
fellow-senators and by a large gallery au
dience. He maintained that the United
States owes as much ro the Filipinos as
It does to the Cubans, to -whom, by reso
lution of congress, self-government has
been promised, and he strongly urged
that his resolutions, declaring it to be tne
Intention of this government to confer the
right of government upon the Filipinos,
be adopted as a means not only of termi
nating the war, but of extending to the
struggling people justice and freedom.
Tlie Proceedings.
"When the senate met, a bill providing
that the cannon on the gunboat Nashville,
Irom which the first shot was fired in the
Spanish "war, be condemned and presented
to the city of Nashville, was passed.
Hoar (rep. Mass.) offered a resolution
directing the committee on rules to con
sider -whether some plan could not be
adopted for the enlargement of the capltol
and for providing for the transaction of
public business other than legislative
business elsewhere, so that there may be
sufficient space provided for the conven
ient transaction of the business of the
two houses of congress. After debate tne
resolution was agreed to.
A resolution offered yesterday by Petti
grew (sil. S. D.), calling upon the presi
dent for information as to whether the
people of Samoa were consulted on the
treaty recently made in relation to the
islands, and whether any protests have
been received from the Samoans against
the treaty, was laid before the senate.
On motion of Davis (rep. Minn.), the
resolution was referred to the committee
on foreign relations by a vote of S9 to 23.
Pettigrew then asked unanimous con
sent to have printed as a public docu
ment a statement by Agulnaldo, giving a
history of the revolt of the Filipinos
against the Spaniards. He said it was a
document of great interest to the senate
and to the country, but on objection the
question went over.
Bacon's Speech.
After the passage of a number of bills
on the calendar, Bacon (dem. Ga.) ad
dressed the senate on the. Phllpplne ques
tion. Mr- Bacon, after discussing some pre
liminary points, said In part:
"Under these resolutions, if adopted, the
"United States will do for the Philippines
praotically the same as It has undertaken
to do for Cuba. The question presented
may be concisely stated as follows:
"When the conditions are ripe, when
peace has been restored and the authority
of the United States is no longer resisted
In the Philippines, shall the United States
then accord a free government to the Fili
pinos, to be independently exercised by
them, or will the United States thereafter
retain possession, demand sovereignty of
the Philippines, with the view to their
permanent retention as a part of the ter
ritory of the United States?"
After discussing previous acquisitions
of territory, Mr. Bacon said:
"In each of these vast acquisitions and
in the uses made of them there was ex
pansion, and great expansion. OBut it was
not simply expansion of the territory sub
ject to the jurisdiction of the United
States. It was also an expansion, or
rather an extension, of the same political
system and political Institutions wnicn
existed in the original states the expan
sion or extension of the system of states
Inhabited by people of our own race, a
people free and self-governing and with
equal rights with the people in the original
states, in the making of laws for the con
trol of state and federal government.
"This in each Instance was legitimate
expansion. It was legitimate and har
monious growth. It was not revolution
ary change. It subverted none of our in
stitutions. It did no violence to our politi
cal principles. It destroyed none of our
political ideals.
"What shall be said of an expansion
which is simply an expansion of terri
tory, which does not carry with it an ex
tension of our political system, our politi
cal principles" and our political ideals?
"What shall be said of an expansion by
the acquisition of territory where it is
not Intended that there shall be state
hood, and where it Is Impossible that
there can ever be statehood? To hold
them a subject colony makes necessarily
a revolution In our system of govern
ment which should not be aided by any
one who Is loyal to the principles upon
which that system is founded.
"The advocates of the permanent reten
tion of the Philippines do not like to hear
the term 'vassal. Nevertheless, one who
is a subject of a government in which he
has no voice, who only has such liberty
as the government may grant him, and
which Itself may be taken from him at the
will of the government, is a vassal. And
that Is the only political relation the Fili
pino can ever bear to the United States.
The advocates of permanent retention do
not like the term 'imperialism.' Never
theless, whenever a republic owns outly
ing provinces, to be held permanently as
dependent colonies, never to be admitted
as a part of the republic in the control
and administration of the government of
that republic, it is to that extent imperial.
And If held permanently, that Is the only
relation which the Philippine islands can
ever bear to the United States. In the
nature of things there can be no Imperial
republic Under such a government the
form of a republic may be preserved, but
under It the spirit of republicanism must
die.
"I am not pleading the cause of the
Pillplno. I am pleading the cause of
Americans that their government may not
be converted from a republic composed of
free states into an imperial government
holding vassal and subject colonies, ruled
and controlled necessarily by a standing
army in their midst. If our free republic
is to be converted inio this imperial gov
ernment, It is npt those who are to be held
and ruled as "vassals In subject colonies
who will be the principal sufferers.
"The 1irst feature In which this revolu
tion will ddnitely manifest itself to the
Injury of our people will be in the imme
diate growth of militarism. If it shall be
finally determined to hold the Philippine
islands, it Is a safe prediction that In less
than IS months from this date the regular
army of the United States will be 103 000.
And the army of 100 000. which now seems
to be monstrous, will In a short time be
increaspd to 300.000.
"There can be no greater danger to re
publican government, there can be no
greater menace to personal liberty and
free Institutions, than a great standing
armv in time of peaca. It Is tlie mailed
hind of everv tyrant. It is the voracious
consumer of the hard tribute wrung from
the industries of the land: It is the op
pressor and the burden of the great mass
of the people. I Want no trritorv per
manently annexed to the United States In
which the -conditions are such that it is
a conceded fact beyond the possibility of
successful dispute, that not only for .a
whllf. but for all time, the authority of
th United States must and can be main
tained only through the power of a great
standing army, enforcing the submission
and obedience of an unwilling people.
"Another certain consequence of this
evolution In the principles and structure J
of our government will be the liability and
probability of disastrous wars, of which
we have not hitherto stood in danger.
We will necessarily become complicated in
the contentions and competitions and rival
ries of the European governments, and
from these complications there will be
constant danger that wars will be thrust
upon ds which we cannot honorably de
cline. The Philippine islands will be our
'weak spot, and that will be the point of
attack-by our enemies, becauselt is the
weak spot.
"Again, with our navy necessarily con-centrated-
in -the Pacific -ocean, our long
seacoast on the Atlantic and on the Gulf
must depend upon its land defenses to re
pel the attacks; of the enemy's ships. And
If this distant Imperial colonization
scheme is to be permanently adhered to,
our seacoast must remain In an unde
fended condition. If these hundreds of
millions of dollars are to be expended on
account of the Philippines, it will be im
possible to provide the money to defray
other necessary expenses of the govern
ment, and also necessary properly to for
tify our vast stretch of seacoast
"If our navy, small as it Is, were in At
lantic waters. It could be depended upon
In large measure toodefend our coasts.
But with our army and navy in the Phil
ippines, and with our long seacoast com
paratively undefended ,by fortifications,
what plight we would be in If we should
become Involved In a war with a Euro
pean power.
"Unless met by a superior power, there
Is no halt to the imperial tread, once it
starts upon its conquering and its despoil
ing march. Until It meets with disaster,
It can only be stayed by the command
of the - people, and then only when such
command isgiven before, in the decay of
free -institutions; they lose " thelr-'power
to command. "The -thirst for empire Js like
the desire for human blood, which is
stirred to an unquenchable and madden
ing thirst in the veins of every man who
tastes it. It was a long step into the mid-
rti nf thA , t tT-Tnwnn Tt wn n.
die of the sea to take Hawaii. It was a
much longer step across the midst of all
the oceans to take the Philippines. From
there across to the continent of Asia is a
much shorter step. Thus from step to
step" the march -of empire will go on, and
a necessary, inevitable consequence will
be a growing standing army, not of 100,000
or .of, 200,000, but, of ,400,000 or 500,000 men,
and an "annual "expenditure drawn from
th .taxes 'paid, by the people, the magni
tude of which, one .would scarcely venture
to suggest.
"While our people of the South are
ready to meet war when it comes, and to
do always their full duty in every war,
,they do not desire war and do not desire
the governmental policies which will in
vite wars by entangling the United States
in the disputes and contentions of monar
chal Europe.
"To retain permanently the Islands will
annually cost the United States more than
$100,000,000. The large increase in the stand
ing army will alone annually cost that,
and that will, by no means, be all of the
expense.
"But it is said that all of these evils
will be compensated for in the fact that
the possession of the Philippines will open
and secure for us the trade of the Orient.
If there ever was a proposition absolutely
without argument to sustain It, it is this
one. If there could have ever been any
argument upon which it could rest, it has
been entirely removed by the agreement
which has been made by all of the Euro
pean governments that the open door
shall remain in China, and that we shall
have equal privileges with all other na
tions for our commerce there. "What more
than this could we get If we owned every
Pacific Island and harbor on the Asiatic
coast?
"The pretense that the Philippines are
necessary to our trade is a delusion and
a snare."
Other Business.
As Bacon was concluding, a lively collo
quy occurred between hfm and several
other senators. Spooner (rep. Wis.) in
quired on what theory Bacon proposed a
declaration by this congress that could
In -any way be" binding on subsequent
congresses.
Bacon responded that the same declara
tion that the 6Gth congress had made with
reference to the Cubans ought to be made
with reference to the Filipinos. Congress
had the right to make such a declaration,
even if it were not binding upon future
congresses.
Teller (sil. Colo.), the author of the
Cuban resolution, said ho believed that
the United States stood before the world
committed to the self-government of the
Filipinos that is, such self-government as
they were capable of. He maintained that
the pacification of the Islands must be the
first object of the United Staets, however.
He regretted that this pacification now
must be "by the sword.
'The pension calendar was taken up.
Among the bills passed was one granting
to Anne Brumby, mother of Lieutenant
Brumby, Admiral Dewey's flag lieutenant,
$50 a month.
The following bills were passed: To pay
$5000 to the widow of John Phillips, In
view of his services as a dispatch-bearer
in the Sioux war; to increase the limit of
cost of the public building at Cheyenne,
"Wyo., to $325,000.
A resolution was adopted for the read
ing of Washington's farewell address,
February 22, by Senator Foraker, of Ohio.
W. V. Sullivan, recently elected sena
tor from Mississippi, was sworn In.
The senate at 5:15 P. M. adjourned.
IN THE HOUSE.
Only Business of Minor Importance
Was Transacted.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30. The house was
in session a little oyer one hour today,
and only business" of mlnbr importance
was transacted'.
Eddy (rep. Minn.) rose to a question of
privilege, calling the attention of the
house to fraudulent representations made
by alleged agents of the set of books
known as "Messages and Papers of the
Presidents of the United States." Rich
ardson (dem. Tenn.), who compiled the
volumes upon the order of congress, ex
plained that congress had voted him a
copy of the plates for the volumes for his
labor, and he had made a contract with a
publisher, from whom he received a small
royalty. He was as much opposed to
fraudulent representations as any one.
Eddy disclaimed any Intention of 'reflect
ing upon Richardson.
Resolutions "were adopted calling upon
the secretary of the navy and the secre
tary of war for Information as to the
amount of money expended and
tne 1
amount for which the government Is lia
ble remaining unpaid, for equipments,
transportation, supplies and naval opera
tions In the Philippine Islands from May
1, 1S98, to November 1, 1899.
Under the call for committees, a bill to
authorize the secretary of war to accept
a site for a military post near'Des Moines,
la,, was passed; also a bill to extend the
time for the completion of the incline
railway on West Mountain Hot Springs
reservation, Arkansas.
At 1:10 P. M. the house adjourned.
The Ha-wnilan "Bill.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30. The Hawaiian
bill has been practically completed by the
house committee on territories, and Chair
man Knox, with a subcommittee, is pre
paring a draft of the revised bill with the
intention of presenting It to the house
this week. Several Important changes
have been made In the measure. The chief
of these is the striking out of any and
all property qualifications for electors to
the senate. Another change eliminates
the supervision given to the supreme
court of Hawaii over the election In the
senate and house, and makes each the
judge of Its own elections. The omission
of the property qualifications for electors
is in the Interest of the natives.
Montana Land Grant.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30. From the sen
ate committee on public lands Senator
Carter reported favorably a bill granting
50,000 acres of rand to Montana for the
maintenance of an asylum for the blind.
For Men of Taste,
There's delight in Evans' Ale and Stout
WHERE A MONTANA STATE SENA
TOR MADE HIS -WINNINGS.
Explained That His Sudden Acquisi
tion of Wenltli Was Due to
His Success at .Faro.
WASHINGTON, Jan. SO. When the sen
ate committee on privileges and elections,
adjourned Its "hearing today of the charges
made against Senator Clark, of Montana,
In connection With his election to the
United States senate, It was understood
the defense would be prepared to proceed
with its witnesses not later than Monday
next. Mr. Campbell said he would have
only one or two more witnesses, and,
without stating how many men he would
call, Mr. Faulkner said his witnesses would
follow each other in rdpid succession, and
there would be no delays.
There was but one witness on the stand
today, JT. H. Geigef, Whd was, on a con
test, given the seat of state senator, livthe
Montana legislature from Flathead county
at first occupied by. Mr. Whiteside, who is
one of the principal movers In the fight
against Mr. Clark. Geiger voted for Clark,
but he insisted he did so only because the
republican caucus had declared for him.
He confessed to taking $3600 In money
home after the adjournment of the legisla
ture. Of this sum he claimed to have won
$1500 to $1800 playing faro, and to have
found $ll00 .in $100 bills- in his room. This
latter amount he thought had, been left
for him to Influence him to vote against
bills 132 and 134 relating to corporations,
but he did not know who had left it there.
" '" ", miT aa
vote for Mr. Clark, and, while he ad
mitted having been approached with the
view of bribery in other propositions, he
refused to give the names of persons who
had talked with him, saying that to do
so would Incriminate himself.
Geiger's Testimony.
Mr. Gelger said he had been the repub
lican candidate for the senate from Flat
head county. He was asked 'whether he
had not said in his speech accepting the
nomination that his vote'could not be pur
chased for a democrat for the senate. He
replied that it was his Intention to convey
the idea that he could not be "handled."
He had said that If he sold out he hoped
his" constituents would take him out and
hang him, "and I still feel that way," he
said. He had not said that he would not
vote for any dembcrat, but it had been his
intention to prevent a deadlock. He had
also said that there were other matters
more important to come before the legisla
ture than the election of some rich man
for United States senator.
Upon being questioned concerning his
financial condition when he was nomi
nated, he said It was "just moderate. He
had been In the hotel business, and had
sold out; ho could not remember just how
much he received, but after much ques
tioning said he thought the amount was
about ?25. He had also received $200 from
his mother's estate, and had borrowed $300
for the campaign. After he was given his
seat he had voted twice for Leonard for
senator, and then for "W. A. Clark. Mr.
Geiger hesitated considerably over a ques
tion as to what money he had deposited,
in the First National bank at -Kal-spell
during or since the sitting of the legisla
ture, but admitted that, ir May last he
had bought a draft for $2500, paying cur
rency for it. He had afterwards, -in Au
gust, opened an account at that bank, de
positing $S00 in currency in the name of
"John H. Gelger, agent." S nee that time
he had made other deposits and had bor
rowed from the bank $2300. He had gotten
the $2500 first deposited from several
sources, Including $500 or $600 for His serv
ice and mileage in the legislature. t
"Some of It I got at poker 'and 'the faro
bank," he said, and added:" "I don't re
member whether I wonrarty"at poKer-J-Sriy
experience was about even; but at faro I
did."
"Did you win $2000 at faro?"
"It was some short of $2000, but at
Helena and Butte together I think I quit
about $1500 or $1800 ahead."
"You were a state senator; did you not
know it was a misdemeanor to play faro?"
"Well, I was about as conscientious in
that matter aa some other Montana offi
cials." Continuing this explanation, he said ho
had never made any great winning at one
time, .never more than $190, but that he had
been 'uniformly lucky, and, had. played,
often. He had also gotten $100 in money,
for mining stock sold to, Spokane men. ,
"How do you explain the fact that you
had so much better luck at faro after yo.u
entered the legislature than lSsfore?" asked'
Senator Chandler of Mr. Gelger. !
"Why, senator," was the reply,' "I die
not have. I lived In Montana 22 years,
and, having fallen into the ways of the
people soon after going there, I had fre
quently In the early dajs won more than
I did after my election' to the state sen
ate. But LIbby has no faro bank, and I
had not played for some time."
In explanation where he got the $800
deposited In August, he said that white in
Peoria, 111., he had won $1000 in a day1 on
a horse race. All told, Mr. Gelger said,
he had in his possession $3600 when he
reached Libby after going home from the
legislature at Helena.
"When did you get the amount that you
have not already accounted for?"
"I can't tell .without uncovering my pri
vate affairs."
"Do you decline to tell?"
"I do."
, This caused the members of the commit
tee ,10 put their heads together. ia con
sultation over the question as to whether
the witness should be compelled to answer.
At the conclusion of this conference Mr,.
Chandler told Mr. Campbell to proceed
with his questions, and informed the wit
ness that he must reply. The question as
to where the money came from was re
peated. The witness gazed at the celling
for fully 5 minutes and at last said.
"Where did I get it? Why, in Helena."
"Where did you get it from??"
The witness again took a long time for
replying: "Well, sir," he salcl at last, "I
can't answer."
"Do you mean to say that, you &on't
know?
"I don't know. To be frank, there were
other ways of getting money In Helena
auring me session ui tne legislature. 1
was approached at different times to vote ,
ior anierent mils.
"Did you make any money In that way?'
"I don't know; I never sold my vote, i
out J. got money.
Senator Chandler asked: "Now. Mr
Geiger, the committee requires you to (I
aittw lAuui. vviiuju juu iui. Illliineyr jO
ahead and tell what you know," .
Found Money in His- Room,
To this the response came quickly. The
witness said:
"I found a package in my room contain
ing $1100, and I have since used the money.
It was the time that, corporation bill 132
was up. I took the money, put it In
my pocket and used It, and from that time
to the present have never said a word
about it."
In reply to other questions he said that
he had an Idea who left the envelope In
his room, but that he did not know. He
had, he said, intended to vote for the
bill anyway. .
At this point, Mr. Faulkner, represent
ing the Clark interest, obtained permis
sion to ask a question.
"Will you state," he asked, "whether
any part of that money was given you
bv any one connected with Mr. Clark, or
by Mr. Clark himself, to influence your
vote for him for United States senator?"
But. while he had permitted the ques
tion, Senator Chandler, as chairman of
the committee, Instructed the witness that
he need not answer it at this juncture, and
the examination proceeded on the original
lines.
In reply to questions, the witness said he
had been told that he could get $1000 or
$1200 for his vote in dpposltlon to the bllL
but he declined to tell who had made the
suggestion, on the ground that it would
incriminate himself.
At this point th'e committee took d. re
cess until 2:15 P. M. '
When the committee reassembled, Mr.
Campbell took up the line of inquiry
where It had been left off.
"Who was it," ho asked, "that made
the proposition to you that you could re
ceive $1500 for your vote against bill 132
or bin 134?"
"It -was common talk all over town
that money could be had for votes," re
plied Mr. Geiger. "but I can't' explain fur
ther without incriminating myself."
Senator Chandler Insisted upon an ex
planation asto how he could bs incrimi
nated, unless ne nau agreea to accept
monqy for his vote, but the witness in
sisted that a further explanation would
certainly be self -incriminating, and de
clined to answer. He would go no farther
than to say that he had told the person
approaching him "that he would see about
it."
.Asked concerning the purchases of prop
erty In Kalispell, Mr. Gelger at first said
that he had not bought any, but his broth
er had.
"Whose money paid for it?" asked Mr.
Campbell.
"I refuse to disclose my private affairs,"
he responded.
, Senator Chandler urged response to the
question, and, after meditating for some
time, the witness said that $1500 of the
money that he had originally deposited in
the First National bank of Kalispell had
been used to pay -for that property. He
also admitted the purchase of lots and the
construction of buildings on them at Llbby.
Mr. Gelger said he had not had any con
versations concerning the senatorial con
test with Senator Clark prior to the lat
ter's election to the senate. He had vis
ited (he senator's room once, the day of
the election, but he said "neither W. A.
Clark, Mr. Wellcome, C. W. Clark, noi
any of them, so far as I can remember,
ever approached me in regard to my vote,
but before I was seated I was frequently
asked how I would vote if I should get
my seat, and unlfoimly replied that my
actions would be controlled entirely by the
action of the republican caucus. I voted
for Mr. Clark when the decision of the
caucus was In his favor." He had, he
said, advised the republicans against vot
ing for any democrat.
In reply to questions from Senator Hoar,
Mr. Gelger said that before voting , for
Mr. Clark'he had convinced himself that
the charges of bribery against Mr. Clark
were untrue. Further responding to Mr.
Hoar, he emphasized his allegiance to the
republican party, saying that he was a
McKInley republican; that, while he would
have preferred a gold man, he thought
it best to aefcept the next best thing,
which he considered Mr. Clark to be.
Mr, Faulkner asked only one question
in cross-examination, and In reply to this
question Mr. Geiger repeated that he had
received no money or any promises of
any from either Senator Clark, or any one
else for him, for his vote for Mr. Clark
for the United States senate.
ANTI-TRUST BILLS.
Measures Before Judiciary Commit
tees of Both Houses.
NEW YORK, Jan. 30. A special. to the
Herald from Washington says:
Republican leaders In both houses of con
gress are devoting considerable attention
to the subject of trust legislation, and
there Is every reason to believe that a
measure, of some kind will be brought .for
ward after the report of the industrial
commission has been made.
The judiciary committees of both houses
have before them general bills proposing
to regulate trusts, and several resolutions
proposing constitutional amendments to
give congress power over corporations.
Tho best lawyers seem to be of the opin
ion that nothing can be done without a
constitutional amendment and it is prob
able that some form of amendment will
be recommended. 'Chairman Ray, of the
house judiciary committee, said he
thought, his committee would report some
-measure after the committee had studied
,-ithe qtetimpnyv taken by Jthe industrial
commission Chairman. Hoar, of xhe sen
ate1 judiciary committee, declined to an
ticipate the probable action of his com
mittee on this subject and said no defi
nite conclusion had been reached.
Senator Aldrich, chairman of the com
mittee, on, finance, says that if the trusts
are destructive and demoralizing to pub
lic interest the republican party is as
ready and anxious and equally as well
qualified as the democrats to correct such
abuses as may exist. Senator Cullom,
chairman of the committee on interstate
and foreign commerce, agrees with Mr.
Aldrich, and so do Senators Lodge, Spoon
er and 'Elkins, three of the leading politi
cal workers In the senate.
Whether action is taken, aimed directly
at'great'Commercial combinations, or not,
congress may amend the Interstate com
merce 'law so as to give the commission
more power over railroad rates to make
freight discriminations more difficult.
CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE.
Elected by Republicans of the Sen
ate and House in Joint Caucus.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30. The republic
ans of the house and senate met in joint
caucus in the hall of representatives to
night and selected the members, of the
congressional campaign committee. The
delegation from each state seected its rep
resentatives. States where no agreement
was reached were given three days In
which to announce their selection. The
committee will organize within 10 days.
Representative BabcocK, 5t Wisconsin,
will be re-elected chairman. The list of
committeemen selected today Includes the
following: California, Representative Mot
calf; Missouri, Representative Pearce;
Montana, Senator Carter; Nebraska, Rep
resentative Mercer; Texas, Representative
Hawley; Washington, Representative
Jones; Wyoming, Representative Mondell.
A Persian Loan.
ST. PETERSBURG. Jan. 30. It Is semi
officially announced that the government,
at" the request of the government of
Persia, and In view of the good relations
between the two governments, has au
thorized the IjOan Bank of Persia to take
up the loan of 22,500,000 rubles about
to be issued In-Persia under the designa
tion' of the ,5 per cent Persian gola loan
of -1900. The Loan bank, therefore, has
contracted to take up the loan, which is
repayable in 75 years, guaranteed by all
the Persian customs receipts except the
revenues in the custom-house at Fars
and the custom-houses of the Persian gulf.
In the event of a delay In the payments,
the Loan bank will have the right to con
trol Ithe custom-houses. Russia guaran
tees the bonds of the Persian loan.
Boston Hotel Man Falls.
BOSTON, Jan. 30. Joseph W. Smith,
one of tho proprietors of- the Hotel Bele
vllle, filed a voluntary petition in bank
ruptcy in the United States court. The
hqtel has just been built and furnished
and the announcement will create much
surprise. The firm's liabilities are sched
uled at 131,951, while the assets are very
small; about $7000. The secured claims
are $74,795 and the unsecured claims
$57,355. It is stated that differences be
tween the partners led to the court pro
ceedings. o
Colonel Charles F. Williams Dead.
"tfALLEJO, Cal., Jan. 30. Colonel
Charles F. Williams, commander of the
United .States marine corps at Mare island,
died suddenly today of hemorrhage of the
stomach.
o
Daily Treasury Statement.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30. Today's stata
ment of the condition of tho treasury
shows:
Available cash balance $290,653,887
Gold reserve 217,836,812
Boorish and Horrid.
Philadelphia PreK?..
A boorish young fellow from JPla.,
Made a dash through a crowded inn's ca.;
Said a lady from Me.. T,
As he trod on her tre., '
"I neer met a. man who was ho,"
PARLIAMENT- IN- SESSION
REASSEMBLING WAS NOT ACCOMPA
NIED BY DISORDER.
Tlie Speech From the Throne Esti
mates for Continuing the War and
Strengthening; Defenses.
LONDON, Jan. 30. The seventh session
of the 14th parliament of Queen Victoria
opened at 2 P. M. -after the customary
formalities. The speaker, William Court
Gulley, arrived at the house of commons
at 1:53 P. M. There was a large attend
ance of members. The gentleman usher
of the Black Rod, General Sir M. S. Bid
dulph, summoned the commons to xhe
house of lords at 2:05 P. M., where the
lord high chancellor, Earl Haisbury, read
the queen's speech, which was as fol
lows: "My Lords and Gentlemen: The peace
which had recently been broken in South
Africa -when last I addressed you has, un
happily, not been restored, but otherwise
my relations with other states are friend
ly. In resisting the invasion of my South
African colonies by the South Afilcan Re
public and the Orange Free State, my
people have responded with devotion and
enthusiasm to the appeal which I have
made to them, and the heroism of my
soldiers in the field and my sailors and
marines who were landed to co-operate
with them has not fallen short of the
noblest traditions of our military his
tory. 'Tarn deeply grieved that so many valu
able lives should have fallen as a sacrifice,
but I have witnessed with pride and with
the heartiest gratification the patriotic
eargerness and spontaneous loyalty with
which my subjects in all parts of my
dominions have come forward to share In
the common defense of their imperial In
terests. I am confident I shall not look
to them In vain when I exhort them to
sustain and renew their exertions until
they have brought this struggle for the
maintenance of the empire and assertion
of its supremacy in South Africa to a vic
torious conclusion.
"A treaty has been concluded with the
German emperor for the adjustment of the
rights claimed by the two countr.es In
Samoa, Tonga and other Islands in the
Pacific. To a portion of "these stipula
tions the government of the United States
has also been a party.
"A bill will be Introduced at an early
date to give effect to the scheme of fed
eration which has b?en adopted, after most
careful consideration, by five of my Aus
tralian' colonies. I have watched with cor
dial satisfaction the gradual development
of my greater colonies Into self-governing
communities. I feel confident that the es
tablishment of thegriat federation of Aus
tralia -will prove advantageous not only
to the colonies immediately concerned, but
also to the empire at large.
"Tho brilliant courage and soldier-like
qualities of the colonial forces engaged
in South Africa have already earned high
admiration, and patriotic offers of assist
ance, which it was not possible to accept,
have come from many other colonies with
populations of various races. I have re
ceived fro the rul.ng- chiefs of
native states of India .numerous
offers to place their troops and
the resources of their states at my
disposal'for service in South Africa, These
proofs of their loyalty to myself and their
devotion to the cause of my empire have
afforded me much gratification.
"I regret that owing to Insufficient rain
fall in the autumn over a great part of
Western and Central India the harvest
and pasturage have failed to such an ex
tent as to create a famine. Timely meas
ures have been taken by my government
and by. the rulers of the native' states
affected t6 relieve the tuffer.ng and prevent
starvation. I Tegret to add that the' epi
demic, of plague continues, and that, al
though its severity has not increased since
last year, there Is at present no "prospect
of Its diminution.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons:
The estimates for the public service of the
year will be laid before you. The pro
vision for military expenditure must be
largely Increased on account of the charge
for 'military operations In South Africa.
The experience of a great war must
necessarily afford lessons of the greatest
Importance to the military administration
of the country. You will not, I am con
vinced, shrink from any outlay that may
be required to place our defensive prepar
ations on a level with the responsibility
which the possession of so great an empire
has laid upon us. At a time when several
other nations are perfecting their "naval
preparations at the cost of increasing ef
forts and sacrifices, the' solicitude with
which you have provided 'for the efficiency
of our navy and our coast defenses will
assuredly not be relaxed."
The rest of tho speech recognizes that
the time Is not propitious for domestic re
forms involving large expenditures, recom
mends amendments to the agricultural,
educational, company, Tailway and acci
dent laws, and concludes:
"It appears that service in South Africa
may have the effect of disfranchising those
taking part in it, and you will be asked
to sanction a measure by which this in
justice will be prevented.
"I commend your deliberations at this
anxious time to the blessing and guidance
of Almighty God."
The attendance of peers and of the public
was net extraordinary. After the reading
of the speech the house adjourned until
4 P. M., and the commons returned, to
their house, which adjourned Its sitting
until 4 o'clock.
There was a conspicuous absence of pub
lic excitement in connection with .the re
assembling of parliament. A small knot
of people witnessed the arrival and depar
ture of the yeomanry of the- guard, tho
crowd around the entrance to the palace
yard at no time exceeding 500, and 'the
few who were hoping for some demon
stration against the ministry were disap
pointed. Debate In the Commons.
When the ' proceedings were recom
menced in the house of commons, Mr. Bal
four, first' lbrd of the treasury and gov
ernment leader, Sir Henry Campbell-Ban-nerman,
liberal leader, and others were
loudly cheered by their respective follow
ers. James Lowther made his annual mo
tion relative to the Interference of people
at elections. It was rejected by a vote of
337 to 101. The speaker read the queen's
speech at 4:43 P. M. Subsequently Captain
Ernest G. Pretyman, conservative member
for the Woodbridge division of Suffolk,
moved the address In reply to the speech.
The entry of the secretary of state for
the colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, was not
cheered from any part of the house.
Captain Pretyman, in moving the ad
dress in reply, expressed the deepest sym
pathy, which he said was shared by both
sides of the house, with the sufferers from
the war and the sufferers in Natal. He
further referred to the feeling of admira
tion for the gallantry of the troops whlcn
was felt by all parties, and remarked that
additional common ground, for pride was
the gallantry and national spirit shown
by both Great Britain and her colonies.
The captain -then appealed for the union
of all parties in support of the government
In its efforts safely to conclude the war.
Herbert "P. Pike Pease, liberal-unionist
member for Darlington, seconded tho ad
dress in reply to the speech from the
throne.
The liberal leader in the house of com
mons, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman,
then rose to reply, amidst cheers from the
opposition benches. 'Sir Henry Campbell
Bannerman, commenting on the queen's
speech, said he had seldom known so lit
tle to. be said In such a large number of
words. As, however, the war advanced,
It became more difficult and more critical,
and he was not surprised that the gov
ernment had not proposed a formidable
programme. Affairs in South Africa, po
litical and military, would undoubtedly
engage the present parliament to a great
extent. The "war was uppermost in all
minds when the. members separated In 1
October, and it was believed there were
troops . enough in South Africa rapidly
to clear the queen's domains. But their
expectations had been sobered. "Week
after week had seen checks, disappoint
ments and deplorable loss of lffeT In
every Instance the advance of the Brit
ish troops had been stayed by large bod
ies of the enemy. But the country had
again and again gone through greater
perils with courage and composure, and
would not now depart from its high tradi
tions. The courage and fortitude of Brit
ish soldiers was never more conspicuous,
and they "must associate with this the
sons of the colonies, who had shown ex
traordinary aptitude In this kind of war
fare. He appreciated the gallantry and
devotion which led their countrymen to
volunteer, but he wished to know the rea
sons which necessitated this unusual
method of reinforcing the army. He and
his friends had resolved to support a vig
orous prosecution of the war, that the
integrity of the queen's domains be speed
ily vindicated, and he imagined there
would be no difficulty In obtaining the
additional supplies necessary. "Here my
agreement with the government ceases,"
said the liberal leader.
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman then
proceeded with a bitter condemnation of
the administration and the temper in
which it had approached the whole prob
lem, saying the narrowness of the gov
ernment's provision for military require
ments necessitated hostilities, and assert
ing that its policy made war probable.
Arthur J. Balfour, after a vain attempt
to draw Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman
Into an admission that he did not advo
cate pushing rthe war Into Boer territory,
reproached him with waiting until the
country had become Involved in military
difficulties to bring a Vote of censure of
the colonial secretary, which might have
been brought, Mr. Balfour declared, any
time since 1S93. In general defense of the
colonial secretary and the government's
policy, Mr. Balfour said that at one time
the government believed that the war
would be avoided, but had subsequently
become convinced that the Boer govern
ment never from the first intended to give
those franchise concessions, the withhold
ing of which meant war.
Lord Edmond FItzmaurlce then moved
the amendment to the address:
"And we humbly express our regret at
the want of foresight and judgment dis
played by her majesty's advisers, as
shown alike in their conduct of African
affairs since 1S95 and In their prepara
tions for the war now proceeding."
Lord Fitzmaurlce attacked Mr. Cham
berlain's policy, especially his failure to
punish the raiders and the retention of
Cecil Rhodes as a member of the privy
council, together with the "Irritating and
reckless methods that plunged the coun
try Into war before any adequate prepara
tions were possible."
The debate was then adjourned.
In the House of Lords.
On the resumption of business in the
house of lords the galleries were throng
ed. There was an unusually large at
tendance of peers. The Duke of Somerset
mpved the address In reply to the queen's
speech, and the Earl of Shaftesbury sec
onded the motion. The Duke of Somerset,
in moving the address, said he looked
forward confidently to a successful ter
mination of the war. He urged the ne
cessity for reform in the military admin
istration, and said hitherto the army
seemed to have existed for the benefit of
the war office, and that in future the
war office must exist for the benefit of
the army.
The Earl of Shaftesbury conservatively
emphasized tho debt of gratitude which
Great Britain owed to her colonies, -and
expressed satisfaction, at the settlement
of the Samoan question.
The liberal leader In the house of. lords,
the Earl of KImberley, followed. He said
he was glad to learn that Great Britain's
relations with other states were friendly.
Ho added that he believed the term could
be justly applied to the relations with
European governments and the United
States, and he deprecated undue atten
tion to the attacks of the .foreign press.
Ills lordship congratulated Lord" Salis
bury upon the conclusion of the agree
ment with Germany but strongly disap
proved of one of Mr. Chamberlain
speeches. In this connection, however, he
paid a warm tribute to the conduct of
the soldiers In the field and to the loyalty
of the British colonies.
The Earl of KImberley, continuing,
said that although the moment was one
of the deepest gravity, he would entirely
abstain from criticising the conduct of
the generals. It was the duty of the
government to select men to conduct those
operations, and it wa3 their duty to sup
port the government. It was, therefore,
unwise to criticise the generals in these
operations. He did not mean to Imply
that the generals were not doing their
utmost to fulfill their arduous duties, but
the government, wovrtd be wise if it made,
every effort to prepare thoroughly foj:;j
what might occur in the future, continu
ing, Lord KImberley said:
"Wo might meet a period of disaster,
and although our relations with the other
powers are friendly, It would be well to
consider the possibilities of the future,,
and It would be well If the government
prepare for all eventualities and all dan
gers, and be ready with the means to
surmount them. The government does
not seem to have been aware of the scale
of preparations of the South African re
publics." Lord Salisbury asserted that there was
nothing In the stipulations of the conven
tions to limit and hinder the Importation,
of arms and ammunition Into the Trans
vaal through Lourenco Marques. Continu
ing, the premier said:
"Why were we to know about the im
portation of arms? I believe guns were
Introduced into the Transvaal in boilers
and munitions of war In piano cases. We.
had a small secret service fund. If you
want more- Information you must give
more money. I consider the enormous
amounts spent by other governments,
especially the Transvaal, which I have
heard on high diplomatic- authority spent
800,000 in a single year, and the small
sums spent by England make It Impossi
ble for us to have the omnipotence attrib
uted to -us by Lord KImberley. I am'
glad he has not pressed an Immediate
Inquiry into tho action of the military
authorities at a time when, our generals in
the field any many of those -who could
give the most valuable Information are
unable to appear. -We- should defer an
inquiry to a more convenient .season."
Later the premier admitted the de
ciency of the existing system, remarking
that the treasury had acquired a power
which was not to the public benefit. He
had not thought of looking Into past his
tory, of examining the amount of blame
to be attached to this or that minister.
"It Is not," he said, "quite the r'ght
way of dealing with the present crisis.
We must join together and'exerc se all our
powers In extricating ourselves from a
situation full of humiliation and not free
from danger. I will not say the danger
may not have easily been exaggerated.
Many a country has commenced a war
with difficulties of the kind we experience.
We have to look only at what the north
ern states of America went through at
the beginning of the civil war to see how
easy It would be to draw a mistaken In
ference from the reverses we have met at
the outest. We have every ground to think J
that If we set ourselves heartily to work i
and exert all the undoubted Instruments j
of the power we possess we shall bring
the war to a satisfactory conclusion. We
have work which appeals to us as sub
jects of the queen and as Engl'shmenr and
It must throw in the shade all thoughts
of party expediency.
"Our effort," the premier continued,
"must be to retrieve ourselves from the
present situation, which cannot be allowed
to lax. This empire Is a valuable and
splendid but responsible possession. We
must concentrate our forces. .If we do not
tame all the smaller passions Into one
great duty, we run the danger of convul
sions which will tarnish the empire's luster
and perhaps menace its 'ntegrity."
After Lord Salisbury had spoken. Lord
Rosebery made a fiery speech, demanding
of the government what it was going to
do, and adding that the country would
shrink from no sacrifice which the burning
emergency might demand. Lord Rosebery J
spoke with great earnestness. He asked
why the premier made it so" difficult for
themaiuln the street to support his policy.
The post conduct of the government would,
come up for Investigation some day, ha
hoped, adding:
"We have the right to know if. befora
the crisis, the intelligence department sup
plied the government with sufficient in
formation. If not, dismiss the depart
ment. If the department possessed the Ir
formation, their responsibility is heavy 1
hope that when the time for the investiga
tion arrives those who have served the
queen will be covered with such glory that
the eyes of the Investigators will be
dazzled.
"I was appalled at the nature and sty'a
of Lord Salisbury's speech. We have, now
120,000 men In South Africa, yet we are,
with difficulty, holding our own. The at
titude of foreign nations Is descrlbtd as
friendly. But that does not strike me as
being so amicable as the word would Im
ply. I deem it necessary "to know what
' the government Is going to do. Lord Sal
. Isbury said the cause of our casua.tu s
t was the smallness of the secret funl and
j the British constitution. But what is the
J government's duty? Some form of com
pulsory service must be Introduced to meet
the growing exigencies of the empjr and
I am sure the nation will not shrink from
either that or any other sacrifice to pre
serve the empire's predominance. That
we should not shrink from sending away
vast masses of troops, situated as we aro
in the center of a universe by no meana
the government of the military measures
it proposes tak.ng to face the disasturs
we have met and the sacrifices we have
made Is one of the most extraordinary
features of the British constitution. I
agree with Lord Salisbury that the coun
try can carry this thing through In sp ta
of all the Impediments of men and m th
ods which have shackled it in the past,
but I venture to say it will have to ba
Inspired by a loftier tone and truer patri
otism than that shown by the prem er."
Lord KImberley urged that the govern
ment ought to have been aware of tho
importing of arms into the Transvaal, and
ought to have informed the Transvaal that
unless it desisted It must result In Great
Britain sending a large force to South
Africa. He could net believe the govern
ment was so ignorant of the preparatl jns
of the Transvaal, and they could not di
vest themselves of the responsibility
Baron Balfour, of Burleigh, said that tha
Jameson raid had closed the mouth of th'?
government and prevented it from protest
ing against the arming of the TransiaaL
"But." he added, "the government mut
hae known armaments wer accumulating:
to an extent unjustified by fears of an
other raid, and It was the duty of tho
government to communicate on the sub
ject with the Boer government, but as the
first step It ought to punish the rt!d rs
severely. The country had not reached a
pass that If the government appealed to
It, It would not have supported tno gov
ernment in any preparations it thought
necessary." He would do nothing to pre
vent the government from carrying on tn?
war to a successful conclusion.
une Marquis or ljanadowne, secretary of
state for war, followed. He said he wa3
prepared to make a statement at a futuro
date. The government, he added, was not
prepared and had excellent reasons fjr
not pushing its arrangements further Tho
address in reply to the speech from, the
throne was tnen adopted.
Irish Nationalists Aliient.
All sections of Irish nationalists were ab
sent from the open session of parliament,
owing to their attendance at a meeting m
committee-room 18. Timothy Harr'ntm
presided. Those In attendance included
Dillon, Healy. John Redmond and many
of their followers. Harrington and Red
mond U-ged that the time had come to re
store unity In the ranks of the p.trLi
mentary representatives of Irish natlona
ism. Redmond described the prestige of
Great Br.taln as practically shattered, a.1
said there seemed to be no better time f jr
promoting union-upon a sound and enda--lng
basis, coupled with a policy of uni-y
in- combat and. en.tlrarlndapend$nee ftf Ai
English polijlcal parties. He then movrj
a resolution declaring at an end the dl
vfs'on of the Irish nationalist 'r&oresenta
tlves, and that henceforth tey should act
together as one united party The reso
lution was carried unanimously.
The Times In an editorial says: "I la
satisfactory to know that further provis
ion will be made 'for increasing the effi
ciency of the navy, a duty enjoined by tho
undisguised hostility of forehm op nl n.
Obviously it wtyl be practically out of tho
question to introduce any measur s ol
drastic reform involving large expendi
tures." "The Times severely reproaches the op
position for "opening the floodgates of c n
troversy," by the Fltzmaurke amendment,
which it declares can do no good at the
present Juncture. It say 3:
"Wei hope It Is not too late for th oppo
sition to reconsider their decWon. Ni n.
tionoi beneflt of any kind eotud po siIy
balance the mischief to be done by su h
a display or divided counsels in the laa
of the country's enemies. There is muh
In the conduct of the government ca'llng
for criticism, but this is not the proper
time."
Trnnt.
Philadelphia Record.
Hoax I believe everything my wife tells
me.
Joax On general principles?
Hoax Yes: I think every man shou'd
believe about half he hears, and I pre
fer to believe the better half.
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