OREGON S LGBTO NEWSMAGAZINE
N OVEM BER 11. 2011
• p o litic s •
o f the politics that really make a difference in
the U.K. are done at a national level and it is
easy, as an outsider, to become engrossed in
U.S. presidential races and see them as an
equivalent of our national politics—and a
reflection of the views throughout America.
In reality, of course, this is a huge country
with vastly differing cultures, values and politi
cal beliefs from one state to the next and, in
deed, different state constitutions and laws.
Portland is a prime example— a progressive,
liberal city with an identity and values distinct
from anywhere else I have known—even from
the rest of Oregon. Maybe that’s why I love it
so much. I am closely following the Portland
mayoral race and I was delighted, but not sur
prised, to learn that the three main declared
contenders are all
liberal
Democrats
who offer unwaver
ing support for LG-
BTQ_ equality. In
addition, Oregon’s
state laws are not too
dissimilar to Britain’s
when it comes to
rights for minority
populations.
The
politics of Portland certainly feel more like
what I’m used to in Britain than the impres
sion outsiders have of U.S. “national politics.”
The Constitution, the separation of the
powers and the many checks on executive
power that exist over here ensure that, al
though U.S. politicians— particularly on the
right— may sound radical, the system often
prevents them from delivering on their more
extreme goals. The opposite is true in Britain:
It is often difficult to tell the two main par
ties apart based purely on rhetoric but, in
practice, the U.K. Parliamentary system gives
a new prime minister both the mandate and
the power to introduce a radical program of
reforms if they so choose. It is fairly common
for a party leader to. sound moderate to be
elected, then behave more radically after be
coming prime minister.
Though other factors— such as the influ
ence of religion— may be important, the size
of the U.S. and its political system is, I be
lieve, responsible for what appears to an out
side observer a polarized political environ
ment and a Republican Party far to the right
of its British equivalent. But, as I said, the
change in the Conservative Party is a fairly
recent phenomenon and came about largely
as a response to a shift in the British voting
majority’s views on LGBTQ_equality.
So the real question is, what caused the Brit
ish public, in general, to warm so quickly to the
idea of LG BTQ_equal rights? W hen the La
bour Party won a landslide election in 1997,
virtually wiping out the Conservatives after
they had been in power for 18 years, the public
was eager to embrace a positive, progressive
politics. Tony Blair, as newly elected prime
minister, personified the mood and took full
advantage of this hope and optimism—deliver
ing a substantial raft of progressive reform, of
which much was tar
geted at the LGBTQ_
community.
I am generally
cynical about the ex
tent to which politi
cians ever really alter
public opinion. But
when it comes to
LG BTQ . rights, by
showing leadership
and unwavering commitment to the cause,
Tony Blair and his Labour government won
the argument and eventually shaped British
attitudes. In doing so, he also forced the Con
servative Party to change in order to remain
relevant and electable.
Is there a lesson to be learned here for se
nior Democrats, and particularly the Obama
administration, in this country? I believe
there is. Liberals and progressives throughout
the'w orld cheered Obama into the W hite
House. It would be unfair—and inaccurate—
to say that his administration has not achieved
anything for the LGBTQ_ community, but
they have done so cautiously and quietly, and
Obama himself has failed to speak out as of
ten and as boldly as he could have. Much like
Blair, he was elected on a wave o f hope and
optimism, with the power to bring about
radical change, but he has failed to show the
leadership necessary to drag forward the de
bate on LGBTQ^equality and shape public
opinion that would, in turn, force the Repub
licans to change, i t ]
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