CapitalPress.com 6 January 26, 2018 Editorials are written by or approved by members of the Capital Press Editorial Board. All other commentary pieces are the opinions of the authors but not necessarily this newspaper. Opinion Editorial Board Editor & Publisher Managing Editor Joe Beach Carl Sampson opinions@capitalpress.com Online: www.capitalpress.com/opinion O ur V iew Livestock reporting requirement pure folly T his week the Environmental Protection Agency is reluctantly requiring livestock and dairy farmers to comply with a rule designed to alert local communities of businesses that emit dangerous chemicals. Under the Superfund law, operations that emit more than 100 pounds of ammonia or hydrogen sulfide in a 24-hour period must report to federal authorities and to local officials under the Community-Right-to-Know Act. That’s not nearly as straightforward as it seems. There is no generally accepted way to determine the amount of gas emitted by livestock operations. To demonstrate how flimsy the science is, even the Obama administration had sought to exempt agriculture from the law’s reporting requirement. The EPA argued that it was unlikely the gases given off by livestock and decaying manure would ever require a local emergency response. But as is often the case, a lawsuit filed by environmental groups has resulted in farmers being caught in this regulatory net. The D.C. Court of Appeals ruled in April that qualifying operations had to begin reporting as of Jan. 22. The EPA had estimated only 44,900 farm operations would be impacted, at a cost of $14.9 million a year. The EPA based its projection on a 2008 calculation, which has not been updated. Farm organizations say EPA has woefully underestimated the impact. The National Cattlemen’s Beef Association said the rule could apply to 68,313 beef cattle operations alone. The poultry industry estimates the rule could apply to about 141,000 poultry farms. There is no way for producers to determine on which side of the standard their operation falls. There’s not much the EPA can do to give them an objective way to measure emissions. But farmers can ill-afford not to err on the side of caution and make their report. The court’s ruling is folly. To quote Mr. Dickens, the law is an ass. An appeal for a stronger unified public voice O ur V iew By GERALD BARON For the Capital Press I George Plaven/Capital Press File Corban University near Salem, Ore., is one of several private universities in the West joining the push to add agribusiness and agriculture to their course offerings. Colleges join drive toward ag education A Ph.D. in economics is not required to figure out what makes Oregon go. All it takes is a car. A drive through the Willamette Valley will reveal vast acreages devoted to nurseries, sheep, cattle, berries, wine grapes, tree fruit, hazelnut trees, seed crops — the list grows as you travel. Turn in any direction and you’ll see timber. Cross the Cascades and head east and you see more livestock, pastures, hay, wheat, potatoes and onions. Head west and you’ll see dairies. Go toward the ocean and turn south and you’ll find cranberries. More than 220 crops are grown in the state. While cities such as Portland specialize in marketing their weirdness, coffee shops and donuts, much of the rest of Oregon’s economy can be summed up in a single word: agriculture. The USDA tells us there are 35,439 farms encompassing 16.4 million acres of Oregon. This same picture is seen in Washington, with 37,249 farms on 15 million acres, Idaho with 24,814 farms on 11.5 million acres and California with 77,864 farms on 25 million acres. Together, the 175,366 farms and ranches in those four states produce crops and livestock with a market value of about $70 billion each year. That’s big, and for young people across the West that level of economic activity also means big opportunities. By 2020, companies will need to fill a projected 57,000 agricultural jobs, most in management. Community colleges and land-grant universities have long been the place to learn about agriculture, food processing and other associated fields. Researchers at Oregon State University, Washington State University, the University of Idaho and the University of California system and its many campuses have led the way to breakthroughs in agronomy, genetics and hundreds of other areas. But there’s an exciting development taking place among the region’s private universities. They are taking notice of the opportunities agriculture presents and also offering their students ag- related courses and degrees. Corban University, a small Christian college near Salem, Ore., recently announced it will offer classes in agribusiness next fall through its school of business. Ultimately, Corban plans to start a college of agricultural studies. Other private universities and colleges also see the opportunities in agriculture. Brigham Young University-Idaho in Rexburg, Idaho, is listed among the best colleges for agricultural sciences in the nation. Students there do research at the university’s 190-acre farm. The agricultural program’s biggest problem is producing enough graduates to meet the needs of the industry, professors there say. Researchers at Northwest Nazarene University in Nampa, Idaho, also have agriculture on their minds. Using a USDA specialty crop block grant, they have been developing a drone that can scan a field in a few minutes and help farmers determine the condition of their crops. These are exciting times for agriculture — and ag education. More students are learning the skills and gaining the backgrounds they’ll need for a career in agriculture. And more colleges and universities are joining the region’s community colleges and land-grant universities in helping their students find professions in agriculture. They recognize the opportunities that await their students. All they have to do is take a drive. For Oregon’s farming industry, support clean energy jobs By GIGI MEYER For the Capital Press I ’ve been farming for over 30 years, in various cli- mates and latitudes before finally planting roots (quite lit- erally) in Central Oregon. Our 20-acre farm is nestled amidst ranches and the Badlands, just 15 minutes east of Bend, Ore. We grow vegetables, herbs, fruit and flowers, as well as lay- ing hens and dairy goats. Cen- tral Oregon is known for hav- ing a shorter growing season and for being home to a colder climate, but we embrace the unique challenges of farming in Central Oregon. We do what we can to mit- igate our impact. We switched the majority of our crops to drip irrigation and rely on passive solar to heat our greenhouses. We mix manure from our lay- ing hens and dairy goats with crop residues to make home- grown compost. We rotate crops and employ cover crops to sequester carbon and im- prove fertility and soil tilth. We minimize our daytime watering to avoid evaporation. Because we sell our produce, dairy and meat only to local markets, our carbon footprint is further re- duced. Guest comment Gigi Meyer But record-breaking heat continues to stress the land and affect crop yields; most recent- ly, our heirloom tomatoes came in too few and too late this year. Conditions in 2017 became difficult for our workers, who toiled through record-break- ing heat and needed to wear respirator masks to cope with persistent and dense wildfire smoke. These changes demon- strate that beyond what any one farm can do, we need broad, systemic change to slow global warming. In 2018, Oregon has the opportunity to pass legislation that will help family farms like mine: the Clean Energy Jobs bill. Clean Energy Jobs will cap and price climate pollution from the largest emitters in the state, and reinvest the proceeds into our clean energy econo- my. Oregon has been working on varying forms of legisla- tion to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions with a limit and price on pollution for well over a decade. Hundreds of people attended working groups and hearings on the bill, submitting over 100 pages of comments. That’s good public process. Clean Energy Jobs is designed to benefit all Oregonians, with tremendous opportunities for people who live in rural parts of Oregon. It will help farmers pay to install advanced irrigation systems that are much more efficient, using less water and power, which saves money and guards against drought. Small hydroelectric turbines can be installed in the pipes to gener- ate electricity to use or sell — a new revenue stream for rural economies. It will help us off- set our electricity costs through installing solar on our barns, sheds, and garages. Currently, energy efficiency upgrades can come with signif- icant upfront costs. Clean Ener- gy Jobs will make the upgrades we seek easier to undertake by helping pay for them. And the changes, in turn, will make our farms more resilient while further decreasing our impact. Additionally, the work has to be done close to home, so our friends and neighbors who work in construction, design, engineering, sales and adminis- trative support will see growing opportunities for good-paying jobs. The Clean Energy Jobs policy is written to prioritize investment in communities that need it most, and that means ru- ral communities will see major investments. When farmers succeed, the community as a whole suc- ceeds. Healthy farms depend on a healthy climate. We all must do our part to protect jobs, maintain the health of the land and safeguard Oregon’s natural resource heritage. As farmers, we work the land day in and day out, and we see climate change unfolding firsthand. I’m proud to be part of a growing chorus of over 70 Oregon farms who support the Clean Energy Jobs bill. For the future and health of our industry, I urge the legisla- ture to pass Clean Energy Jobs in 2018. Gigi Meyer is the owner and manager of Windflow- er Farm LLC, dedicated to growing gourmet-quality vegetables, herbs, fruit and flowers as well as AWA (Ani- mal Welfare Approved) laying hens and dairy goats. She has been practicing horticulture and farming for over 30 years, farming everywhere from the San Juan Islands, Wash., to Taos, N.M., to Tuscany, Italy. n the colder and, for some, quieter winter months farmers have a bit more time for reflection and planning. As we look ahead toward a new year, gener- ating a stronger and more unified public voice needs to be near the top of the list of things for farmers to do. Every day we see evi- dence of the growing im- pact of anti-farm activists. In states like Washington, Oregon and California most elected leaders are elected by left leaning, progressive urban voters. Those voters are farther removed from our farms than ever and very susceptible to the anti-farm voices. Issues like water quality, water supply, climate change, public health, and worker justice gain a ready hearing by the younger urban voters. The public license to operate enjoyed by farmers is threatened by these few activists with outsized in- fluence on urban voters and the government and judicial leaders they elect. Farmers have an excep- tionally strong base of public support to operate from. Sur- veys repeatedly show voters strongly support farmers and ranchers. After all, city vot- ers do eat. But that important base is being eroded. Farmers are not protecting that base, nor using it to counter the anti-farm voices. Harmful legislation and regulation will accelerate unless that changes. Three reasons There are three understand- able reasons for this situation. First, engaging in the rough and tumble of today’s political public conversation is new and uncomfortable for a great many farmers. Second, farmers are most effective in the public arena when unified, but unifying farmers is difficult at best — herding cats comes to mind. Third, farmers have looked to their associations and farm groups to do the tough work of farm advoca- cy and while they often do an excellent job of behind the scenes political lobbying, the critical role of building public support is either something they don’t do or don’t do par- ticularly well. Product commissions, in Washington state at least, are hampered in this import- ant work by restrictions on how state funds may be used. When public opinion is most- ly generated by the internet and social media and when traditional media outlets more and more specialize in public anger and outrage, the game must be played by the new rules, not the old ones. Ac- tivists play well in this arena, farmers and farm groups, not so much. There are many positive signs that farmers are learn- ing they have to engage more in the public conversation. Younger farmers, understand- ably, are taking the lead by getting on social media and willingly participating in op- portunities to reach the pub- lic. In Washington four dairy farmers courageously faced some of the worst anti-ani- Guest comment Gerald Baron mal agriculture activists could throw at them in a Facebook Live series sponsored by Dairy Farmers of Washington. Unifying farmers is harder given the independent nature of farmers and some degree of competition. Too often farmers not currently at the forefront of activists’ attacks prefer to sit back and watch those being attacked out of fear of drawing attacks on themselves. This is particular- ly true in the area of activism involving farmworkers. There is also a sense of “there but for the grace of God go I.” My response is often to quote Ben Franklin at the start of the Revolutionary War: “We must indeed all hang together or most assuredly we shall all hang separately.” The good news is that this reluctance is slowly giving way to a unified effort. Berry, dairy and seed potato farm- ers in northwest Washington state have joined together in Whatcom Family Farmers and their experience shows the immense value of a unified public voice. ‘Pro-agtivism’ Farmers are learning that to counter the effectiveness of their activist opponents, they must become activists them- selves. That means they must eagerly enter the public dis- cussion of critical issues fac- ing farmers. Activists are very adept at claiming the moral high ground and generating anger and outrage against those they say are harming the public interest. Farmers must understand that their mission of providing food for the world in an increasingly re- sponsible and sustainable way does represent the moral high ground. But they must actively and publicly defend that. Activists effectively use both social media and tradi- tional news media to ampli- fy outrage against farmers. One look at the “What’s Upstream” campaign makes clear their dependence on false accusations, distorted science, misleading visuals and even public funding to build public outrage in sup- port of anti-farm legislation and regulations. As activists farmers must never lie, dis- tort or manipulate, but must be willing to point out those who are harming the public interest and engage new and traditional media in carrying the pro-farmer message. A trend we might call “pro-agtivism” is emerging. Unified, engaged farmers are reaching out to the public to counter the false claims and communicate the good farm- ers are doing for our families, communities, states, nation and world. May this pro-ag- tivism grow and thrive in 2018. Gerald Baron is the found- er and executive director of Save Family Farming, a Washington state farm advo- cacy group initially formed to counter the What’s Upstream campaign. Whatcom, Skagit and Yakima Family Farmers groups are affiliated.