NATIONAL
Persian Gulf crisis could become Bush’s war
WASHINGTON |AP) - No
president want* a war called by
his name the way the Vietnam
conflict became Lyndon John
son's war. then Richard Nix
on's.
When that happens, it usual
ly is because a conflict has
Hone on so long, or so badly,
that public support is shaken
and Americans are divided. Us
ing one man's name is the lan
guage of dissent
The war that could explode
in the Persian Gulf any time af
ter midnight tonight would t>e
stamped indelibly as George
Hush's |x)Iic:y, oven though it
carries congressional approval.
The political peril for the
president is that it will become
his war. in the waging or in a
bitter aftermath
There has been significant
home-front dissent about every
American war except World
War II. and only I’earl Harbor
rallied the nation to put aside
divisions in 1U41
The five-vote margin in the
Senate Saturday, which author
ized the use of force to drive
lra<| from Kuwait, was the nar
rowest of modern margins in a
war vole — closer than any
since the 19-13 Senate vote for
a 16-state nation to declare the
War of 1812.
In modern times, votes before
combat have been the excep
tion. The war in Korea and a
decade of conflict in Vietnam
were not declared wars, and
neither had direct, explicit ap
proval from Congress.
Harry Truman didn't ask be
fore sending IJ.S. troops to Ko
rea in 1950. Ry the time that
three-year conflict ended it had
l>eon dubbed "Truman's War."
and a Republican administra
Z semate -fe^-hfrro
in U S A & TOKYO
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lion had taken over.
|nhnson sought and got ap
proval of the Gulf of Tonkin
resolution in 19b4 with only
two dissenting votes in all of
Congress His administration
later said it was the functional
equivalent of a declaration of
war. Congressional critics said
they had not intended it that
way.
Rush had long insisted he
didn't need congressional au
thorization to send American
forces into combat. Hut he also
said the usc-of-forcn resolution
he requested, won and signed
on Monday meant the Demo
cratic-run House and Senate are
now "part of all this."
Democratic leaders essential
ly agreed, saying the margins
of approval were unimportant
now that majorities have decid
ed to authorize force.
"If conflict occurs, there will
be full support for the men and
women of our armed forces."
said Senate Majority I-eader
George | Mitchell, D-Maine,
who voted against the Hush res
olution
"If the firing starts, if the
president decides he has to use
military force," said Sen. Sam
Nunn, D-Ga., "then I think
we'll see a very strong rallying
behind the president and be
hind the men and women in
the field.”
Hut until the votes. Mitchell
and other Democrats had made
clear that the war policy wasn't
theirs: most of them wanted to
delay the use of force and seek
to drive Iraq from Kuwait with
continued economic sanctions.
Karlicr, the Democratic lead
er had complained that Hush
acted alone and put the United
States on a course toward offen
sive action on Nov. 8 when he
announced he would double
U S. forces in the Persian Gulf.
"The president did not con
sult with the Congress about
that decision." Mitchell said.
"He did not try to build sup
port for it among the American
people. He just did it.”
The administration also faces
an active anti-war movement in
advance, something that didn't
confront Johnson in the early
phases of the Vietnam conflict.
That was a war of gradual esca
lation. The opposition, in the
streets and ultimately at the
polls, took shape gradually,
too.
Now there is a movement
against a war that hasn’t begun,
with demonstrations in Wash
ington and other American cit
ies.
Bush said his message to
Americans pleading against
war is that "we’ve got to do
what we have to do." His
spokesman said Hush doesn't
feel alone in facing "a very sin
gular decision" because it is a
course approved by Congress
and the United Nations.
Hut it is a lonely, life-and
death decision.
"You must
remember this,
A kiss is just a kiss
A sigh is just a sigh. ,
fundamental things apply
As time goes by .
A
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