Sakharov's fate unknown to West
By Brooks Dareff
Of the Emerald
It a man does not keep silent it does not mean
that he hopes necessarily to achieve something
... In almost every specific case of repression we
really have no hope, and almost always there is a
tragic absence of positive results.
— Andrei Sakharov, 1973
Andrei Sakharov, the detained Soviet nuclear
physicist whose media attention seems to fade as
his fate slips further into obscurity, can expect lit
tle help from the outside, according to a Universi
ty historian.
According to sources close to Sakharov, the
1975 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate was taken from
his home in Gorky on May 7, five days after he'd
begun a hunger strike in an effort to compel the
government to permit his wife, Yelena Bonner, to
go abroad for medical treatment.
The Soviet news agency Tass has said that
Bonner — who suffers from glaucoma, an eye in
fection and along with her husband, heart
troubles — is treated by "the most experienced
eye specialists." Where Sakharov is, and whether
he has been hospitalized or is being force-fed, re
mains undisclosed.
"Sakharov's detention has its own internal
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causes. Do what we will, we won't be able to alter
it too much,” says Alan Kimball, director of the
Honors College.
Attention has focused on the 63-year-old
Sakharov, one of the fathers of the world's first
hydrogen bomb, because of his sustained series
of run-ins with four generations of Soviet leader
ship. Once the pride of the Soviet nuclear military
establishment, Sakharov has become its foremost
critic, and the best-known spokesman of Soviet
dissent.
"It's obvious he has the support of a lot of
Soviet intellectuals,” Kimball says.
In 1953, at age 32, Sakharov became the
youngest full member ever elected to the USSR
Academy of Sciences, and his immense success
reaped many material rewards. But four years
later, he could no longer work in tacit and silent
obedience.
"Beginning in 1957,” he once wrote, "I felt
myself responsible for the problem of radioactive
contamination from nuclear explosions."
Sakharov's futile attempts to impress his con
cerns on then Premier Nikita Kruschev led him in
to a series of campaigns for freedoms of thought,
dissent, travel and expression that began first as
analysis and led finally into activism on behalf of
dissidents less in favor than he.
Sakharov's activities also coincided with the
turning of the screws — the systematic
crackdown on the expression of dissent of the
Soviet intelligentsia,” Kimball says.
"However, they (the Soviet leadership) were
slow to crack down on him (Sakharov),” Kimball
says.
Sakharov's detention from his home in the
isolated city of Corky — where he was first exiled
by Soviet authorities in 1980 — has elicited an ap
peal by the Reagan Administration to allow Bon
ner and Sakharov to emigrate, or at least let Bon
ner receive medical treatment abroad.
But the Soviets, at best, are minimally affected
by public and world opinion, Kimball says. And
the Reagan years, which have been characterized
by a turning away from the U.S.-Soviet detente of
the three previous administrations, are not the
best of times, Kimball says.
"The Soviets have no particular incentive to
respond to opinion abroad," he says. "And peo
ple like Sakharov suffer."
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