WHEN YOUR VOLVO NEEDS
SERVICE...
...bring it to a Specialist!
/ /Serviced
The volvo Specialist
Located at 12th & Main in Springfield
Call 726-1808 for an appointment
or just drop by.
All Work Guaranteed
V___'
SUMMI K (,7S7 Kn.itl • C.HillvmlU ( A '11 • 12IWI X7X <741 WX4
A WILDERNESS EXPERIENCE
Range of Light is a non-profit corporation created to
provide wilderness and outdoor, educational and
therapeutic experiences primarily for young people. We
offer a simple lifestyle attuned to nature.
★ The Ranch: $125.(X) per week. Life at the ranch is an
ongoing process in the world of animals and plants.
★ Horse Camp at Anderson Valley: June 14-26, $270.(X).
★ Pleasant Valley and Isenberg Pass: July 22-Aug. 5
$320.00.
★ Walking with pack animals, we will take this
pilgrimage to high alpine meadows to live communally
in sonic of Yoscmitc Parks' most remote areas.
★ Tilden Lake and Paiute Meadows: August
I9-September 5, $380.(X). This will be an extended trek
with our pack animals. It may amount to one hundred
miles.
For more information write or call:
Krooks, Allison or Patrick
.UPBookstore
ARCHITECTURE
BOOKS
20% OFF
MAY 14-19
Includes Architectural Graphic
Standards & Pattern Language
II Plus all other books in stock! 11
• limited to stock on hand
• cash register sales only
• no other discounts apply
GENERAL BOOKS M6 3510
13ih & Kmca'd
Mon Fr( 7 30-5 30
Sat 1000 3 00
Page 4, SmImwi B
Democrats' race becomes struggle for self preservation
Jackson may be changing politics for good
“Run, Jesse, Run,” they cheer, but even Jesse
Jackson’s most fervent supporters admit he’ll never
make the winner’s circle at the Democratic National
Convention.
Jackson has less than 300 of the 1967 delegates
needed to take the nomination, but his supporters
hope those delegates will give him the leverage
needed to mold a Democratic ticket and platform
that can beat Pres. Ronald Reagan in November.
Jackson’s major impact has been on the psyche
of black Americans, many of whom are finding new
optimism about their place in the American political
arena.
“As a black, Jackson has really captured my
heart,” says James Britt, co-chair of Students for
Jesse Jackson. “He's telling white America that they
can’t take advantage of black people any longer.”
But Jackson is more than just a black candidate
insist his supporters, and he appeals to many of the
discouraged and disenfranchised who feel that
neither of the major parties represent their needs.
Though never elected to public office, Jackson
has long been considered a major black leader. Born
in Greenville, S.C., in 1941, Jackson received a foot
ball scholarship to the predominantly-black
Agricultural and Technical College of North Carolina.
It was there that Jackson first became involved
in the civil rights movement. He entered the Chicago
Theological Seminary in 1965 and was ordained a
Baptist minister in 1968.
Jackson’s involvement with Martin Luther King
began with the march in Selma, Ala., in 1965.
Jackson was with King on the Memphis, Tenn.,
motel balcony when the black leader was killed in
1968 .
In 1971, Jackson organized the Chicago-based
PUSH (People United to Serve Humanity) and served
as its national president until he began his presiden
tial campaign last year.
That campaign has received mixed reactions
from black leaders, many of whom have thrown their
support to Walter Mondale. But for many blacks,
Jackson has made the race something they can feel
a part of.
The black leaders who are not supporting
Jackson have missed the significance of Jackson's
candicacy, Britt says. Jackson has broken a barrier,
a psychological four-minute mile, that will give other
blacks the encouragement to succeed in politics and
other fields.
But there may be more tangible results of his
race if he can influence the Democratic convention
in San Franscisco this July.
One platform resolution Jackson will probably
strive for is a clear cut policy on South Africa, Britt
says.
Jackson is also likely to insist that a woman be
given the vice presidential spot on the ticket.
Though Britt contends this will strengthen the ticket,
many observers feel a woman on the ticket will have
a neutral effect, alienating as many voters as it will
attract.
One result of Jackson's campaign has been the
registration of thousands of black voters, many of
whom proudly wave their registration cards at
Jackson rallies and speeches. But those are not
votes that the Democrats should take for granted.
But Jackson’s attempt to form a “rainbow coali
tion” of minorities, woman and poor whites, has not
always panned out. In the Texas primary, he was
unable to attract a significant share of the state's
large Hispanic vote.
Jackson's reference to Jews as “Hymies”
alienated another minority group with traditional
Democratic roots. The situation was aggravated
when a Jackson supporter, Black Muslim minister
Luis Farrakhan, said the newsman who reported the
comment would be "punished by death.”
Britt maintains that Farrakhan’s comments must
be understood in the light of religious metaphor. The
comment was a reference to the judgment of God
and not a death threat, he says.
Since the Jackson campaign was a long shot
from the outset, it will be hard to say how much the
affair has hurt Jackson. The more important ques
tion may be how Jackson’s campaign has affected
presidential politics in America.
Analysis By Paul Ertelt
Mondale, Hart
Continued from Page 1B
help carry out programs they decide are necessary
In addition, he proposes devoting an addition $1
billion a year to build up university research
laboratories and libraries and increase the number ol
research grants.
Both candidates agree student aid needs to be
adequately funded. Specifically, Mondale proposes a
new investment of $1.5 for increases in student aid
through Pell grants, guaranteed student loans and
work study.
Foreign Policy
Oregon Sen. Bob Packwood told a Eugene au
dience last December that a generation gap is
responsible for divisions over foreign policy.
While probably an over-simplification in this
case, there is some evidence to suggest that Mon
dale, 57, is on one side of the divide, while Gary
Hart, 46 is on the other.
Mondale stands catiously behind the United
State’s post-World War II identity as a sometimes
global policeman. Hart, the manager of Sen George
McGovern’s 1972 anti-Vietnam campaign, who said,
“I think some of us learned a lesson from Vietnam,’’
contrasts with Mondale, who has grown tired of
apologizing for his support of that war through 1969.
Hart, whose new position has been compared to
pre-1941 isolationism, has said that he would not
send U.S.troops to Central America to be
“bodyguards for dictators.” He opposes elections in
El Salvador until the government involves all fac
tions, military aid to El Salvador, aid to the
Nicaraguan contras and U.S. military excercises in
Honduras.
Instead, he favors U.S. economic and diplomatic
overtures to the Sandinista government in Nicaragua
and a cease fire in El Salvador guaranteed through
the Organization of American States or the United
Nations — to be followed by negotiations among all
major parties.
Mondale would link Salvadoran aid to land
reform and progress in human rights. He favors in
volving the Contadora group (Mexico, Panama,
Venezuela and Colombia) in regional negotiations, a
cease fire and “truly meaningful’’ elections in Cen
tral America. He opposes aid to the contras.
Arms Control
Both candidates advocate a mutual and
verifiable nuclear freeze, SALT II, and a comprehen
sive test ban treaty. Mondale supports “annual”
summit meetings with the Soviets, Hart supports
“regular meetings.” Hart originally backed the build
down proposal, in which the superpowers would
replace older, aging weapons with a smaller number
of arms, until he said the administration was backing
it as an alternative to the nuclear freeze.
Both favor a 3 percent to 4 percent annual
growth, after inflation, in the military budget. Both
oppose the MX, the B-1 Bomber, chemical weapons,
and space defense systems.
Economics
Both Hart and Mondale say they would attack
the near $200 billion deficit through a combination
of taxes and cuts in the rate of increase in military
spending. Neither would make actual cuts in the
military budget, but they propose increases of about
four percent, where Reagan has called for increases
of 13 percent.
Both candidates would defer tax indexing which
is designed to prevent “bracket creep,” that is, the
higher rates of taxation people must pay as inflation
pushes them into higher tax brackets.
Mondale has attacked Hart for voting against
the Chrysler bailout loan, which Mondale helped put
together while vice president. Mondale maintains
that the loan was essential to thousands of jobs.
But Hart considers the loan a “Band Aid” solu
tion which did nothing to address the real problems
of America’s auto industry. Instead, he proposes a
planning board that would unite government, in
dustry and union representatives to chart a course
for the auto industry.
In order to receive federal assistance, an auto
manufacturer would have to follow the recommenda
tions of the board.
The candidates difference in basic philosophy is
best shown in their position on the domestic con
tent bill. Hart opposes and Mondale supports the bill
which would require that a certain percentage of
each automobile sold in America be built with
American labor.
Analysis by Sandy Johnstone,
Paul Ertelt, and Brooks Dareff
A modern man’s Mussolini
Lyndon H. La Rouche Jr. is a man who would
be king, if only some one would let him.
Instead, voters in several states across the na
tion have punched voter cards in the Democratic
presidential primaries for the likes of Walter Mon
dale, Gary Hart and Jesse Jackson, much to
LaRouche’s discontent.
You see, La Rouche is a candidate in some of
these primaries, and he attributes his relative
obscurity to “vote stealing.” In La Rouche’s mind,
30 percent to 35 percent of the voters in the
primaries are punching their cards for La Rouche.
Those votes, according to La Rouche, are being
distributed among the other candidates, specifical
ly Gary Hart.
“They're trying to cheat me,” La Rouche says.
“They" are the Democratic Party honchos and La
Rouche claims to have “simple proof” that “they”
are “stealing my votes” and “undermining” his
campaign.
La Rouche is a third-time candidate for the
Democratic presidential nomination. Although
Secretary of State Norma Paulus decided against
placing La Rouche on the primary ballot earlier in
the year, a massive signature drive produced
enough names to get La Rouche a spot.
In 1976 La Rouche gathered just over 45,000
votes nationally, about .001 percent. In 1980 La
Rouche did well enough to collect some federal
matching funds and is collecting a good deal in
matching funds for this campaign. However, the
nicest things the media have said about him are
that he is “paranoid” and a “crack-pot.”
La Rouche disagrees with those assessments,
saying they come from the sewer, and says his
campaign has a “somewhat different approach to
politics.”
His different approach includes goals to pump
$200 billion into a strategic defense system
(similar to Pres. Ronald Reagan’s “Star Wars”
which was laughed off the face of the earth by
most Democrats) by 1988 and immediately putting
the American dollar back on a gold standard as
well as invoking emergency powers to limit the
Federal Reserve System’s authority to choosing
the color of officfe carpets.
La Rouche’s views hardly seem liberal, yet in
1968 La Rouche, using what he calls a pen name,
as Lyn Marcus (a play on the names of Lenin and
Marx), became lord and master for a contingent of
Students for a Democratic Society. Those were the
days of the burgeoning of the United States Labor
Party, which has stong ties to La Rouche’s
philosophy.
In 1968, La Rouche’s political disgust led to
an infiltration of the Democratic Party, much to
the chagrin of most democrats who don’t see La
Rouchian philosophy meshing with Democratic
ideals.
La Rouche’s emphasis in the campaign covers
five "crises” in the United States today. They in
clude agriculture, industry, a nearly unavoidable
thermo-nuclear war, an imminent international
Lyndon La Rouche
monetary collapse and to top it all off, “a moral
sickness in the population."
Ah yes, there is one other item La Rouche
says is a major campaign issue: Henry Kissinger,
whom La Rouche says is a KGB agent and a neo
Nazi.
"That's what he is," La Rouche says. “Kiss
inger does have Nazi-like policies. Kissinger is a
murderer. . . Kissinger commits genocide.” La
Rouche adds that his polls show 78 percent of the
population “hates” Kissinger, and 60 percent see
Kissinger as a major campaign issue. La Rouche
has decided the issue is the stuff of which cam
paigns are made, and says so in his campaign
spots. "Vote for the man Kissinger hates the
most” commercials have “the phones ringing off
the hooks” at Portland’s KXL radio, says one of
the station’s reporters.
But some of the stabs La Rouche takes are
directed at other candidates, he calls Mondale a
“Soviet influenced scalliwag.” Hart is, in a round
about sort of description, endorsed by the KGB.
La Rouche comes down just as hard on
economic recovery — “if we had a recovery the
magnitude of the one reported, we wouldn’t have a
deficit” — as well as what he says is a “complete
estrangement on the part of the voters.”
“In less than 48 hours of my being president,
the world will change,” La Rouche says.
But before La Rouche gets to the presidency,
he must make it to the Democratic National Con
vention. La Rouche does not yet have a single
delegate committed to him, and that limits the role
he’ll play at the convention to a spiritual one.
“I’m the ghost,” La Rouche says, “I’m the hor
rid thing that haunts that place.”
Analysis by Debbie Howlett
Canadian Bacon or
Pepperoni Pizza
FIGAROS ONLY
4.99
ITALIAN PIZZA & MORE
You Bake & Save
Call ahead and
it will be waiting for you!
683-1711
2511 W. 11th
MMdd
MLtffl
Msmaanr
Featuring fine
SZECHUAN &
CANTONESE
Buffet:
Dining
10 00 d.m 8:00 p m Mon. Thurs.
10:00 d.m 3:30 p.m. Fri. C Sdt
Dinner:
4:30 p in 10:00 p.m. Sun. Thurs
5 00 p m, 10:30 p.m Fri h Sdl.
1275 Alder
Orders to Go 683*8886
Monday. Mav 14. 1984
! 1 FREE Soda j
S plus J
! 10° OFF |
j any slice i
I Offer good Monday
through Friday
11:30-Midnight Mon.-Fri. |
j 3:30 Midnight — Weekends j
1211 Alder on Campus j
686-9598
! Sy's j
[New JTork Ptaaj
Orenon Daily Emerald
DIM SUM /
Every Sunday/^DEVI
11 T™m m'
3 p.rm/ SUM
/ LUNCH
Regular
Lunches,
Too
And Try Us for Dinner
CHINA
BLUE t3E&I
Restaurant I'
879 E. 13th 343-2832
Danger Signals of
Pinched Nerves
HEADACHES
FREE SPINAL EXAMINATION
Why FREE? Thousands of area residents have spine related
problems which usually respond to chiropractic care.
This is our way of encouraging you to find out if you
have a problem that could be helped by chiropractic
care. It is also our way of acquainting you with
our staff and facilities.
Examination includes a minimum
of 10 standard tests for evaluating
the spine.
While we are accepting
new patients, no one
need feel any
obligation.
. 0\\N
r
STIFFNESS
OR PAIN
IN FOWFR
BACK
NUMBNESS OR
PAIN IN ^
THE LEGS .
#V-Ac°
«&**<*>
\0 -
Please call to
arrange your
appointment
Phone 342-3238
r Dr. Robert Tilchin
Chiropractic Physician
1184 Olive, Eugene, Or. 97401
Good Through May IS. 1984
Section B, Page 5