V
daily emerald
Vol. 82, No. 73
Ei^gene, Oregon 97403
Wednesday, January 7, 1981
Car smashing
About 80 University students, possibly frustrated by
the vicissitudes of registration, took turns Tuesday
demolishing this 1970 Toyota for the benefit of the
University Model United Nations.
For 25 cents a hit, people could swing a sledge- ^
hammer at the car. Those with more than the usual
number of frustrations could take five shots for a dollar, p
The club made about $20 on the venture, accord
ing to Tim Mitchell, fund-raising coordinator for the
group. The money will help cover the cost of transport
ing club members to Model UN events in Washington
and California. |
Although the club hoped to make more, Mitchell I
said he considered the project a success. The club will
probably hold another car demolition by the end of
Winter term, he added.
Mitchell estimated that a total of about 500 people
stopped on the corner of 13th Ave and University St. to
see the Toyota abused.
“We always got a crowd when someone really
started beating on it, when there was a lot of noise,” he
said.
The car, donated to the club by Stiles Imported
Motors, Inc., of Springfield, held up surprisingly well
and wasn’t totaled until the club members took some
free shots as a tow truck showed up to take it away.
“The tow truck was there, so we decided to have
our last shot at it,” Mitchell said.
Legislators prepare for redistricting battle
Analysis by
GREG WASSON
and DANA TIMS
Of th» Emerald
The 1980 federal census figures triggered the
re-shaping of Oregon’s state and national legislative
districts.
For the first time in this century, Democrats control
both houses of the Oregon Legislature. And according
to House Majority Leader Grattan Kerans, his party
wants to control the numbers because numbers control
the process.
The importance of that objective can’t be overstat
ed. Consider this example of being on the short end of
things around the Statehouse at decision-making time.
Republican Bill Rogers leaned forward in his chair.
He was exasperated at committee head Glen Whallon's
repeated use of majority power.
“I'm still uneasy about this portion of the amend
ment, " Rogers declared. "And I have to object."
Roger's hesitancy temporarily stymied the sub
committee, but Whallon wasn't concerned.
"Well, representative, we'll just get the full com
mittee together and run right over your objections."
Ten years ago, the party roles were reversed. Only
a few political observers then bet on anything but a
continuation of Republican dominance. For partisan
Democrats, the situation worsened when the 1971
Legislature wouldn’t agree on a plan and the duty fell to
Secretary of State Clay Myers, a Republican. Myers'
scheme withstood court challenges and GOP leaders
readied to usher in a more Republican decade.
Within four years, however, the House flip-flopped
from 33 Republicans and 27 Democrats to 38
Democrats and 22 Republicans. And the conservative
coalition that had ruled the Senate was swept aside.
Kerans charges that Myers tried to ensure that the
1971 reapportionment benefitted the Republican party
— but failed. Myers responds that he had no such
intention^ and that the constitutional amendment
regarding reapportionment — an amendment he helped
write in 1952 — protects the process from manipulation.
“Nobody can screw up the system,” he contends.
"That kind of occurence (the dramatic party shift in the
1972 election) is just what happens when you do a truly
non-partisan job. If you do it right, it's up for grabs.”
This time Kerans contends things could be differ
ent. Senate Bill 305, approved last session, established
the general criteria for re-districting.
The legislature also has made arrangements to use
computer services, the map-drawing facilities at the
University and extensive materials gathered on case
law and the mechanics governing reapportionment.
Still, the realities of political survival guarantee the
process won’t be smooth.
"I would bet that the horse trading on this will be
intense,” Kerans predicts. "Everybody will be trying to
find leverage to do this or that, and protect their own
districts.”
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Consider Multnomah County, where population
losses since 1971 mean the elimination of three
representatives and one and one-half senators, all of
them currently Democrats. It’s an instance where
majority status provides no solace.
“In a sense,” says Myers, “it’s poetic justice. They
don’t have a single Republican seat to give up.”
Such losses prompt him to predict that any reap
portionment plan will benefit Republicans. The suburbs
and rural areas are growing faster than Democratic
Portland.
If the legislature defies precedent and approves a
plan, it must then be signed by Republican Gov. Vic
Atiyeh. A successful veto would throw the issue to
Republican Secretary of State Norma Paulus, who is
generally considered a gubernatorial aspirant. Paulus
probably wants nothing to do with the issue, Kerans
says.
"She’s spent many years developing the image of
being almost above the partisan pay, I'm sure she’ll be
in Vic’s office hollering for him to sign it, saying I don't
want this thing.’ She can’t win if she has to get involved
with that tar-baby.’’
Paulus agrees. “I’m assuming that since the
Democrats control both houses, they’ll be able to do it.
It’s the legislature’s job, and I'm not particularly looking
for it.”
Yet no matter who draws the lines, the final deci
sion lies with the state supreme court. Any citizen can
challenge an apportionment plan — whether issued by
the legislature or the secretary of state — and this year’s
product will probably end up in court like the past three
plans.
In 1971 the Democrats challenged Myers’ plan
which would have created subdistricts in counties
served by four or more representatives, but would still
have allowed candidates to live anywhere in the district
and run for any position.
Lane County was a primable to the voters by
making the constituencies smaller.
"If you believe in elected officials being errand
boys for their constituents, that’s a fine plan," says
Klonoski, who just finished his term as chairer of the
state party. “That's what Clay believes they ought to be.
But when the supreme court extended his version, I
think it was just out to kick (the Democrats') butts.”
But while the procedure for re-drawing state legis
lative lines are clearly delineated by the state constitu
tion, many questions remain about what happens if the
lawmakers are unable to re-partition the state’s con
gressional districts.
“The statute is silent as to what happens,” says
Paulus, “So I would assume that I would have to go into
federal court and ask for a declaratory judgment about
what I should do.”
This phase of reapportionment takes on added
importance in 1981 as livable Oregon has attracted
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