-opinion-—
The many faces of Eugene racism
Myra Willard s legal suit against race
and sex discrimination here at the Uni
versity of Oregon elicited the official re
sponse of SHOCK from the administra
tion. Some of us among the Blacks in
this community are equally shocked by
the administration s astonishment.
For though we don't talk about it
much, in Eugene racism has many
faces: that of a flushed youth yelling
Nigger!" from his car window in down
town Eugene: that of a tightfaced owner
refusing to rent to Blacks, and that of a
mocking, frightened Oregonian squint
ing in consternation and wondering
where all these Blacks have come from
all of a sudden.
We experience many faces of racism,
personally, here in Eugene. But on the
University of Oregon campus, often ra
cism is faceless. It does not consist of
any one administrator sitting at a desk
plotting against individuals because
they are Black.
Instead this kind of institutional racism
thrives on unspoken, unwritten patterns
of discrimintation built into the system
along with unconscious racist attitudes
of some members of the university
community; and it reduces Black people
and other powerless persons to a state
of invisibility.
Myra Willard s suit is not that of an
individual plaintiff, but a class-action suit
(a fact buried in most media accounts);
and it is not just for Blacks but for afl
conscious Third World persons and
women who remain powerless and un
represented in the presence of faceless
discrimination. Faceless discrimination
takes on two forms: tokenism and the
revolving-door-syndrome. The first lets
in a few “super-niggers,” uses them,
and then dismisses them remarking that
there is some “reasonable doubt” about
the quality of their performance.
The second form keeps a small
number of Third World and women ad
ministrators and faculty members com
ing and going through the university s
revolving door, not premitting enough of
them to remain in positions of authority
long enough to make an impact on the
university system. Because of tokenism
and the revolving-door-syndrome, no
substantive commitment to the kind of
social change that would make this uni
versity truly reflective of the diversity of
American society takes place; yet the
university continues to draw federal
funds taken from the pockets of every
ethnic group, class, and both sexes.
Because faceless discrimination
thrives on unspoken, unwritten patterns of
discrimination, fighting it is very much
like shadow boxing: the opponent is very
elusive. When those discriminated
against do cry “foul” they are accused of
paranoia. It is impossible to submit the
scars of discrimination to microscopic
investigation; however, it would be dif
ficult to find a Black person who could
not recount some instance of certain
discrimination on this campus.
In fact, simply searching out Blacks
would be statistically revealing, because
the hardest evidence of discrimination is
the very absence of appreciable num
bers of Blacks on the campus. Even the
University's official figures, which are in
accurate and most probably inflated,
testify to a decrease in the number of
Black students on the campus from
1976 to the present. From Spring, 1976
to Spring, 1977, the number dropped
from 283 to 212.
Even those who generally dismiss in
dividual protest against sex and race
discrimination as mere propaganda,
must pause and reflect when the very
officer appointed by the university to
fight discrimination files a suit against it
for discrimination. Myra Willard is effec
tively challenging tokenism and the
revolving-door-syndrome of faceless
discrimination. We are acutely aware of
the need to retain an affirmative action
officer of the caliber of Myra Willard.
It is also important that the Affirmative
Action position have the possibility of
tenure. Because of the sensitive nature
of the position of an affirmative action
officer who is constantly challenging the
university to fight discrimination, relegat
ing such a position to limited term ap
pointments of one or two years weakens
any possibility for aggressive, long
range planning by the officer.
On the basis of her excellent perform
ance over the past six years, we insist
that Myra Willard be granted tenure
thereby strengthening her capacity to
act affirmatively against discrimination.
We urge all members of the University of
Oregon community to further explore
this case and lend their support as well.
Jonathan West, Patricia Creal, Char
maine Coleman, Greg Keys, Patricia
Bates, Chinosole, Elwanda Ingram,
Alicia Butler, Jaja Muhammed Nk
rumah, Denyse McGriff, Ronald W.
Cosmed, Cheryl Y. Jones, Franklin B.
Johnson, Larry Thomas, Fred Creal,
Lupe Seilers, James Sellers, Arbrella
Luvert, Henry Luvert, Charles Drew,
Jean Drew, Iona Middleton, Samuel
Moseley, Johnny Parker, Roberta J.
Ramzy, Cora L. Washington, Bishun
Lai, Lisa Lai, Mingnyon Melson, Mar
lese Melson, Pewu Subah, and
Tamanika Ivie (Imes)
Greek system?
In the Tuesday, August 1, 1978 issue of
Daily Emerald in an article titled: Student
Grocery Back in Business by Elmo Mor
ganstern the Greek System” was men
tioned. I am new to this community and do
not know what a ‘‘Greek System” is. Is it like
a Mafia? Is there a membership? Where is it
located? How does one join? Why is it con
nected with the Food-Op?
The article also referred to “subsidizing
low food prices for the Greeks.” Is this a
special aid program for Greeks? Does this
"system" force the Food-Op to deliver?
How do they do this? Do they use strong
arm tactics?
Some of my best friends are Greeks and
they have never heard of this "system” nor
are they aware of any subsidy to Greeks
through the Food-Op. As a member of the
"general student body" I am not aware that I
am "subsidizing low food prices for the
Greeks." Am I?
If you substitute the word “Greek" with
some other ethnic group, the article takes
on even more of a racial slur. I’m sure this
was not intended, but when groups instead
of individuals are singled out for criticism
I-—
racial overtones stand out.
Perhaps the Food-Op, specifically Mr.
Murphy, could change not only their busi
ness practices and policies but their attitude
and find themselves in a better financial
position.
Ms. Paula Cracas
2370-3 Patterson
Eugene
Nuke history
On August 6,1977, near a small town on
the Columbia River in northwest Oregon,
history was being made. It was 32 years
after the bombing of Hiroshima.
Solemnity, and a certain sense of pur
pose, dominated the observance of this
horrible anniversary; however, the crowd of
600 which lined the road into the Trojan
nuclear power plant burst into spontaneous
cheering as close to 100 pack
laden people walked by in double-file,
bound for the four gates of the plant. Their
purpose: to block the gates until Trojan was
shut down, or they were removed. Their
reason; Trojan presents an imminent
danger to the public, and life at large.
The arrests came in the early morning
hours of August 8. All those who took this
action of civil disobedience had been spe
cially trained in the theory and practice of
nonviolent direct action.
It was the first time any group had ever
tried to shut down a “live nuke” using non
violent civil disobedience tactics. (An even
larger group returned to Trojan on
November 25,1977. The 125 arrested have
not yet come to trial.)
On December 16, 1977, the “Trojan 96”
were acquitted of ail charges by a jury of six
Columbia County residents. The Trojan
Decommissioning Alliance had succeeded
in putting nuclear power on trial; the nukes'
lost.
Although the “imminent danger" defense
was ultimately disallowed and the 96 were
freed on a right-of-way technicality, it was
obvious to all that the jury had been over
whelmingly convinced of Trojan’s dangers
during the five days of testimony delivered
by various experts.
Witnesses included several scientists
who have done cancer studies, a technical
engineer, an insurance executive, a former
legislator, and the former director of
Oregon's Department of Energy.
Why this capsule history? Because these
events have helped sow the seeds of what
may be the most important citizen's move
ment of this century. ‘Tower Topplin’’ Sam
Lovejoy, famed for his unique and solitary
act of antinuclear civil disobedience, has
remarked that he’s seen plenty of people
switch to an antinuclear stance, but has
never known anyone to go back to support
ing nukes once they were educated on the
issues.
The facts of nuclear power and weaponry
speak for themselves, and are sometimes
so awesome and fearful to contemplate that
they get ignored. Meanwhile certain power
ful economic interests would have us con
tinue to build and use these destructive nuc
lear devices.
Common people are beginning to
reawaken and understand that the public is
not at all protected from nuclear harm, and
' that indeed the nukes are essentially anti
life. There are times, in the course of human
events (and I paraphrase), when people
must actively refuse to allow an evil to
dominate and overcome them. But the
great lesson carried into the '70’s from the
last decades’ struggles is that employing
violent means for peaceful or pro-life ends
never works. We get what we put out.
Vip Short
476 W. 23rd Ave.
Eugene, OR 97405
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