Morse Explains Veteran Biff
For nearly three hours last
month I talked with Wayne
1,. Morse, Oregon’s storm-center
senator, who was dean of the Uni
versity’s law school before he went
to Washington in January 1945. I
asked Senator Morse to tell me the
story of veteran's legislation in the
first session of the 80th congress.
The story, substantially as he
told it to me, follows:)
By BOB FRAZIER
Senator Morse was chairman of
a veterans’ subcommittee of the
committee on labor and public wel
fare. His committee was charged
with framing senate legislation on
veteran affairs, and in this connec
tion called committee hearings,
which Morse conducted “in the
same manner I conducted hearings
in West Coast labor disputes.”
After interviewing dozens of vet
erans’ organizations representa
tives, psychologists, educators, and
other "experts,” the committee
realized it would have to write its
own legislation, since so much of
the legislation suggested by the
“experts” was "too extreme” to get
through the ful) committee, much
less the senate itself.
Even the veterans’ representa
tives told the senator they didn’t
hope to get it all, but wanted as
much as they could. Morse said he
refused to beat his head against
the wall in seeking what he knew
was impossible. He said he tried to
settle for measures that would “do
equity,” and still get through the
congress.
The School Bill
Of primary interest to Univer
sity students is the measure which
would have increased the subsist
ence allowance to $75 and $105 a
month for single and married men,
and allowed the student veteran
with one or more children an ex
tra $15 a month.
Some proposals, the senator re
vealed, provided for a full living
allowance. However, he insisted,
the original intent of congress was
not "full cost,” but “substantial
aid.” This is borne out by tran
scripts of testimony and debate at
the time the original bill was
passed.
The first problem facing the
committee, then, was whether to
write a new “full cost” purpose
into the bill. Such a provision,
Morse felt, was “hopeless.” So he
concentrated on what he believed
were fair adjustments in the exist
ing laws.
Had he been in congress at the
time the original bill was passed,
the senator said, he would have
supported the “full cost” idea,
as a “good investment” from a
business point of view. “They
will return it to the treasury in
taxes.”
' Beyond that there Is a moral
obligation, he added, since “In
the midst of war we said we’d
make it up to these boys.” He
said he told his committee that
“we sit here as free men” be
cause of veterans.
At the same time Senator Morse
warned that the veteran must not
overlook his responsibility to the
home front, and that he must real
ize there is no foundation for "class
conscious attitudes,” which might
be stirred up by demagogues.
Many Already Quit
In their preliminary hearings the
committee learned that many vet
erans had used up their savings
and war bonds, and in some cases
had exhausted their borrowing
power, too. Winter term last year,
veterans began dropping out of
school for financial reasons.
The “opposition” pointed out
that nonetheless the veteran en
rollment was going up. Senator
Morse, however, argued that “we
get our money back only if they
finish,” He felt that attention
must be directed to students who
had been dropping out.
Further study by the committee
revealed that the cost of living had
climbed about 15 per cent since the
last increase in subsistence al
lowance was made. That adjust
ment had also been made on a cost
of living basis. It was this factor
that fixed the amount of increase
in the new bill, and Morse believes
it was this factor that enabled him
finally to get the bill through the
senate.
He said he regretteed not being
able to get more, but he felt the
bill stood a better chance of pass
ing if the increases were more mod
erate. He said he was especially
concerned with the $15 increase for
married veterans with children, be
cause this group is usually the
hardest hit since the wives most
often can’t work.
It Reaches the Floor
In the subcommittee the bill
passed with only one dissenting
vote—that of Senator Joe Ball (R.,
Minn.) In the full committee Sen
ators Ball and Robert A. Taft (R.,
Ohio) opposed it, although on the
floor of the senate Taft later an
nounced himself in favor of the
bill.
For six weeks, the senator
charged, the bill was blocked in
the senate because the “leader
ship in charge of thei calendar
stalled, delayed and used dilatory
tactics” because the bill was
“not a part of the ‘must’ legisla
tion of this session.”
He spoke for his bill whenever
he could gain the floor, and urged
the senators to vote on it, telling
them that -“Full responsibility
rests on the leadership of the 80th
congress.”
Nonetheless the leadership of the
senate refused to recognize him
when introduction of his bill was in
order.
Tuesday night of the week pre
ceding the week of adjournment
“they finished an appropriation bill
which was the pending business of
the senate.” A motion to consider
his bill was now in order.
Morse grabbed the floor first,
but Vandenberg didn’t recognize
him. He recognized Senator Ho
mer Ferguson (R., Mich.)
But Senator Ferguson wasn’t
in the Senate. He was in the
cloakroom. “So,?> Senator Morse
related, he “caught ’em flat
footed.”
For 30 seconds he demanded
the floor, and finally Vandenberg
recognized the senator from Ore
gon who immediately moved con
sideration of his bill.
Senator Taft then asked Morse
to withdraw his motion, telling
him that his bill was further
down the calendar;
Senator Morse refused, telling
the senate that while his bill was
on the list, the leadership of the
senate “doesn’t intend to take it
up until Thursday or Friday of
next week,” which would not al
low time for action by the house
of representatives.
Again he told them that if the
bill “fails, the sole responsibility
rests on the Republican leadership
of this session of congress.”
Majority Leader Wallace White
(R., Me.) then left his chair and
Senator Owen Brewster (R., Me.)
took his place and moved adjourn
ment.
This Morse explained as “a par
liamentary move to wipe the slate
clean.” An adjournment puts pend
ing business (in this case the vet
erans’ school bill) off the slate,
whereas a recess would have kept
it alive. Morse then forced a roll
call on the adjournment, but was
beaten 35 to 29. All the Democrats
on the floor at that time, and some
of the Republicans voted with
Morse against adjournment.
The ‘Minority Leader’
At that time Minority Leader
Alben Barkley said he wished “to
congratulate the new minority lead
er who had just done something he
couldn’t do,” (get all the Demo
crats to vote together.)
A procedural rule provides that
after an adjournment, the senate
must begin a “new'legislative day,”
at the beginning of which there iy
a two-hour period known as the
“morning hour.” A five-minute
rule is in effect during this period,
and in the latter half of it motions
are not debatable.
Senator Morse lined up 12 other
senators who offered to make his
motion for him if he were unable
to obtain recognition from the
chair during the latter half of this
period. Since no debate is allowed,
the senator reasoned that his meas
ure would have to be voted upon
then and there, and all the sena
tors would have to go on record.
Senator Taft got wind of Sen
ator Morse’s plan and came
around to him and asked him to
lay off. He said if Morse would
agree not to press the issue at
that time, Taft would see that
the motion reached the floor Fri
day or Saturday of that-week
(the week before adjournment.)
Senator Morse agreed.
At the end of the morning
hour, he rose and announced to
the senate the deal he hid just
made with Senator Taft, j
The bill was brought ud^Satur
day of that week. Morsp spoke
briefly, telling the senate that the
“full expenses” idea was more than
he could hope for, but that he be
lieved this bill was fair and equit
abe under the intent of the con
gress which passed the original
bill.
Senator Taft. then announced
that he was in favor of the bill.
It passed the senate overwhelm
ingly by an oral vote. “
In the house of representatives
the bill didn’t even come to the
floor, but lay buried in the rules
committtee until adjournment.
House leaders Objected to the
bill on the grounds that it was
not in line with the President’s
program of “no more veterans’
legislation this session.”
Scoffing at this reasoning of
the house leadership Morse point
ed Out that it is “Not up to the Re
publican leadership to determine
what the President’s views are. The
Taft-Hartley bill is an example.
He also said he believed “The
merits of this bill are so sound the
President would have to sign it.”
"Now the leadership of the house
is responsible” for the bill, Morse
declared, although he admitted that
the house hardly had time to con
sider the bill, because of its long
delay in the senate.
The responsibility for the long
delay in the senate is Taft’s re
sponsibility. It should have come
up six weeks before it did,” he
charged. f
Oregon 1$ Emerald
The Oregon Daily Emerald, official publication of the University of Oregon, published
daily during the college year except Sundays, Mondays, and final examination periods.
Entered as second-class matter at the postoffice, Eugene, Ore.
Member of the Associated Collegiate Press
BOB FRAZIER, Editor _ BOB CHAPMAN, Business Manager
Once and for All
At first look, the $4 per student asked by the newly organi
zed Campus United Fund drive, running September 29 through
October 4, appeals to, be cpiite a sum to casually leaf into the
waiting palm of a solicitor. Before glomming on to their
pockets, however;'-'stuefents should review the purpose of the
drive which is to consolidate the Red Cross, Community Chest,
World Student . Service Fund and March of Dimes into one.
Each organization will'be apportioned the equivalent amount
they have received in previous years. The desirable and impor
tant result is that there will he no more campus drives the re
mainder of the year.
After C.U.F. has made the rounds, students can relax for
three terms without fear of being pounced on by eager solici
tors working for harried campus chairmen trying to make a
quota. The drum beating will all be over in one act.
But that one act will have to be a success. Nickel and dime
contributions aren't going to do it. If the majority of students
do not give $4, the funds will not be adequate to apportion to
the four organizations, and there is only one horrible alterna
tive. The national groups will he allowed on the campus and all
during the year students will constantly be nagged by nioney
for-something drives. m
The Campus United Fund is a campaign promise that has
bee me a working plan, and it's a good plan. It's success de*
pen Is on whether or not every student is wearing a yellow "O" j
tag by October 4.
MosmbUf
Matinee
By BERT MOORE
The. Australian soldier was bend
ing his energies towferd making
time with a little native girl when
the company bugler blew a call
back to camp. At the first note the
Aussie’s head jerked up, he lis
tened intently, and then, with in
finite digust on his face he said,
“What the hell do they want now?’’
The theater audi&ice roared. It
was a real and humorous situation,
made doubly humorous,'I’m sorry
to say, because most of the audi
ence had been brought up on a diet
of namby-pamby filmfare.
The audience hadn’t expected to
be exposed to a (horrors!) swear
word. The laughter was a little ner
vous, as if the theater patrons ex
pected Eric Johnston or the Legion
of Decency or the P-TA to raid the
place at any moment.
This realistic bit of dialogue is
definitely not from a Hollywood
picture. “40,000 Horsemen” was
made by a British company. As is
the case with so many foreign
films, it had the brand of realism
that much of our home-produced
stuff lacks.
Don't get me wrong. Realism on
the screen doesn't demand that all
the characters swear fluently at
each other on the slightest provo
cation. But realism does demand
(Please turn to page three)
f
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