ROOSEVELT'S RINGING
LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.
A Document Breathing
of Patriotism and
Duty.
VITAL ISSUE DECLARED TO BE PROSPERITY
Government in tbe Philippines by Tagalogs Would Be Equiv
lent o Government in America by Indian Tribes
New Duties and Problems for tbe Nation.
Oot. Theodore Roosevelt haa complet
ed the forunl acceptance of the llepub
ttcan uomination for Vice-President. His
letter bears an Oyster Bay date and ia
directed to Senator Kdward O. Wolcott
f the notification committee. It reads:
To Iddwnrd O. Wolcott. Chairman
Committee on Notification of Vice-President
Sir: T accept the nomination aa
Vice-President of the United Slates, ten
dered me by the Republican national con
vention, with a very deep sense of the
fconor conferred upon me and with nn in
finitely deeper seuse of the vital Impor
tance to the whole country of securing
the re-election of President McKluley.
The nation's welfare is at stake. We
must continue the work which has been
a well begun during the present adminis
tration. Wt must show in fashion in
capable of being misunderstood that the
American people, at the beginning of tbe
twentieth century, face their duties in a
calm and serious spirit; that tbey have
o intention of permitting folly or law
lesaiicss to mar the extraordinary mate
rial well being which they have attained
at home, nor yet of permitting their Dag
to be dishonored abroad.
Fears Disaster if Democrats Win.
I feel that this contest is by no means
me merely between Republicans and
Democrats. We have a right to appeal
to all .'ood citizens who are far-ighted
sough to see what the honor and the
Interest of the uation demand.
To put into practice the principles em
bodied in the Kansas City platform
would mean grave disaster to the nation;
for that platform stands for reaction and
disorder; for an upsetting of our finan
cial system which would mean oot ouly
great suffering but the abandonment of
the nation's good faith; ami for a policy
broad which would imply the dishonor
f the Hag nud an unworthy surrender of
ur national rights. Its success would
mean uuspeakiille humiliation to men
proud of their country, jealous of their
country's good name, and desirous of se
curing the ntlfare of their feliow-citi-ens.
Therefore, we have a right to ai
peal to all good nun. North and South,
Kast and West, whatever their politics
Bay have been in the past, to stand with
as, because we stand for the prosperity
f the country and for tbe renown of
the American Hug.
Prosperity the Oreat 1 sane.
The mast important of all problems is,
at course, that of securing good govern
Bent and moral and material well-being
within our own borders. Oreat though
ihe need is that the nation should do it
work well abroad, even this comes second
to the thorough performance of duty at
ftome. Under the administration of Pres
ident McKinley this country has been
blessed with a degree of prosperity ab
solutely unparalleled, even in its previ
ous prosperous history.
While it is, of course, true thst no leg
islation and no administration cau bring
aaccias to those who are not stout of
heart, cool of head and ready of hand,
vet it is no less true that the individual
capacity of each man to get good results
for himself can be absolutely destroyed
by bad legislation or bad administration,
while nnder the reverse conditions the
power of the Individual to do good work
Is assured and stimulated. This is what
has been done under the administration
f President McKinley. Thanks to his
actions and to tbe wise legislation of
Congress on tbe tariff and finance, the
conditions of our industrial life have been
rendered more fa-vorable than ever he
fore, and they hare been taken advan
tage of to the full by American thrift, in
dustry and enterprise. Order has been
observed, the courts upheld and the full
est liberty secured to all citizens. The
Berchant and manufacturer, but above
11 the farmer and the wage-worker have
profited by this state of things.
Impendent on Financial Qucation.
Fundamentally and primarily the pres
ent contest is a contest for the continu
ance of the conditions which have told
la favor of our material welfare and of
sr civil and iliti-al integrity. If this
nation is to retaiu either its well-being
r its self-respect it cannot afford to
lsnee into financial and economic cUaos:
cannot afford to indorse governmental
theories which would unsettle the stand
rd of national honesty and destroy the
Istegrity of onr system of justice.
Tbe policy of the free coinage of silver
t a rstio of IU to 1 is a policy fraught
with destruction to every home in the .
land. It means untold misery to the j
head of every household, and. a bore all, I
s the women and children of every home.
Aa to Democratic View nn Silver.
When our opponents champion free
aflver at III to 1 they are either insincere
sr sincere in their attitude. If insin-
in their championship they, of
forfeit all right to belief or sup
port on any ground. If s-incere. then tin y
are a menace to the welfare of the coun
try. Whether they shout their sinister
fiarpoae or merely whisper it makes but
Ittle difference, save as it reflects their
wn honesty. No issue can be paramount
ta the issue they thns make, for the par
amountry of such an issue is to be de
termined not by the dictum of any man
sr body of men. but by the fact that it
vitally affects the well being of every
home In the land.
The financial question la always of each
far-reaching and tremendous importance
the national welfare that It can never
tf raised in good faith unless this tre
with the Life
National
mendous Importance is not merely con
ceded but insisted on. Men who sre not
willing to make such an Issue paramount
hare no possible justification for raising
it at all, for under such circumstances
their act cannot under any conceivable
circumstances do aught but grave harm.
Gold Basis Most StanJ.
The succetw of the party representing
the principles embodied iu tbe Kansas
City platform would bring about the de
struction of all the conditions necessary
to the continuance of our prosperity, l't
would also unsettle our whole govern
mental system, and would therefore dis
arrange all the vast and delicate machin
ery of our complex industrial life. Above
all. the effect would be ruinoiiu to our
finances. If we are to prosper, the cur
rency of this country must be bused ui
on the gold dollar worth 109 cents.
The stability of our currency has been
greatly increased by the excellent finan
cial act passed by the last Congress.
But no law can secure onr finances
against the effect of unwise and disas
trous management in tbe hands of un
friendly administrators. No party can
safely be intrusted with the management
of our national affairs unless it aivepts
as axiomatic the truths recognized in all
progressive countries as essential to a
sound and proper system of finance. In
their essence these must be the same for
all great civilized peoples.
Vital Question for Wnare-rarnera.
In different stages of development dif
ferent countries face varying economic
conditions, but at every stage and under
all circumstances the most hwportaat ele
ment in securing their economic well-being
is sound finance, honest money. 8o
i ut i ma te is the connection between indus
trial prosperity and a sound currency
that the former is jeopardized not mere
ly liy unsound finunce, but by tbe very
threat of unsound finance.
The business mau and the farmer vare
vitally Interested in this question; but no
man's interest is so great as that of the
wage-worker. A depreciated currency
means loss and disaster to the bad nasi
mau: but it means grim suffering to the
wage-worker. The capitalist will loee
much of his capital and will suffer wear
ing anxiety and the loss of many com
forts; but the wage-worker who loses his
wages must suffer and see his w ife and
children suffer for the actual necessities
of life. The one absolutely vital need
of our whole industrial system is sound
money.
One of the serious problems w ith which
we are confronted under the conditions
of our modern industrial civilization is
that presented by the great business com
binations which are generally knowa un
der tbe name of trusts.
The problem is an exceedisgly difficult
one and the difilculty ia immensely ag
gravated both by honest but wrong-
headed attacks on our whole industrial
system in the effort to remove some of
tbe evils connected with it, aud by the
mischievous advice of men who either
think crookedly or who advance remedies
knowing them to be ineffective, but deem
ing that they may, by darkening coun
sel, achieve for themselves a spurious
reputation for wisdom.
No good whateTer is subserved by in
discriminate denunciation of corporations
generally and of all forms of industrial
combination in particular; and when this
public .'.enunciation is accompanied by
private membership in the great corpora
tions denounced, the effect Is, of coiirse,
to give an air of Inslucerity to the whole
movement. Nevertheless, there are real
abuses, and there is ample reason for
striving to remedy these abuses
A crude
or Ill-considered effort to remedy them iltuation in tbe Philippines without tbe
would either be absolutely without effect tbange of a word, "though it is acknowl
or else would simply do damage. nlged that our new fellow -citizens are
Man for Federal Interference. ts yet as incapable of self-government
The first thing to do Is to find out the s children, yet some cannot bring theiu
facta; and for this purpose publicity as stlvei to suspend its principles for a sin
to capitalization, profits and all else of fo moment." He Intended that ultl-
importance to the public, is the most use-
fill measure. The mere fact of this pule
Hefty would In itself remedy certain evils,
and. as to the others, it would in some
cases point out the remedies, and WaaM
at least enable ns to tell whether or not
certain proposed remedies would lie use
ful. The State acting in its collective ca
pacity would thus first find out the facts
snd then be able to take such measures
as wisdom dictated. Much can le done
by taxation. Kven more can be done by
regulation, by close supervision anil the
nnspsring excision of all nnbealthy, de
structive and anti social elements.
The separate State governments can
do a great deal: and where they decline
to co-operate the national government
must step in.
How He Heals with Kzpnnalon.
While paying heed to the necessity of
keeping our house in order at home, the
American people cannot, if they wish to
retain their self-respect, refrain from
doing their duty as a great nation In tbe
world.
The history of the nation Is In large
part the history of the nation's expan
sion. When tbe first continents! con
gress met in Liberty Hall and the thir
teen original States declared themselves
a nation, the westward limit of the coun
try waa marked by the Alleghany moon
tains. Kven during the revolutionary
war tbe work of expanson went on. Ken
tucky, Tennessee and the great North
west, thea known aa tbe Illinois country,
were conquered from our white and In
diss foes during the revolutionary struar
I
ts, and were confirmed to as by the
reaty of peace in 17N!.
Yet the laud thus .-ouririucd was oot
hen giien to us. It s held I. an
lien for until the iron under Oen. An-
hon Wayne freed Ohio from the red
nan. while the treaties of Jay and I 'inch -..
secured from the Spanish and Biit
sh Nat. ... and Detroit.
ailana I'uectaaae and I'hlllpp an,
la 1S03, under President Jefferson, the
rreatest single atride in expanaion that
ve ever took waa taken by tbe purchase
f the Ixiuiaiana territory. This ao-called
Louisiana, which included what are now
he Stales of Arkansas, Missouri. Louis
aua. low a. Minnesota. Kansas, Nrbras
:a. North aud South lsakota. Idaho,
klontaua and a large part of Colorado
ind I'tah. waa acquired by treaty aud
lurchase under President Jefferson ex
ctly and precisely aa thi Philippines
lave been acquired by treaty and pW
hae under President MrKinley.
The dot-trine of "the consent of the
toverned," the doctrine previously enun
iated by Jefferson in the Declaration of
udependence, waa not held by him or by
my other sane mau to apply to the In
lian tribes in the Louisiana territory
vbich he thus acquired, and there waa
io vote taken even of the white inhab-
tants. not to speak of the negroes and
'ndiaua, aa to whether they were willing the men whp had just put through a tri
hat thj-ir territory should be annexed, iimpbnnt war to restore the union and free
The great majority of the inhabitants
white and colored alike, were bitterly op
oed to tbe transfer.
Jefferson Korced Consent.
An armed force of United States sol
liers had to le hastily sent into the ter
ritory to prevent insurrection, I'resideut
lefferson sending these troops to baajtat
ina for exactly the same reasons and
with exactly the same purpose that 11 as
dent McKinley baa sent troops to tbe
Philippines.
Jefferson distinctly stated that the
Lonisianiaus were "not fit or ready for
lelf-government," anil years elapsed be
fore they were given self-government,
lefferson appointing the governor and
ither officials without any consultation
with the inhabitants of the newly ac
juired territory The doctrine that the
'constitution follows the flag" was not
hen even considered either by Jefferson
r by any other serious party leader, for
t never entered their heads that a new
:erritnry should be governed other than
n tbe way in which the territories of
Dhin and Illinois had already been gnv
uned under Washington and the elder
dams; the theory known by this utterly
'alse and misleading phrase was only
I'riick out in political controversy at a
nucb later date for the sole purHjse of
justifying the extension of slavery into
he territories.
Consent Not Necessary.
The parallel between what Jefferson
lid with Louisiana and what is now be
ng done in the Philippines is exact. Jef
'erson, the author of tbe declaration of
ndependencc, and of the "consent of the
,'overued" doctrine, saw no incongruity
letween this and tbe establishment of
I government on common-sense grounds
n tbe new territory; and he railed ut
he sticklers for an impossible applica
:ion of his principle, saying in language
which at the present day applies to tbe
nntely self-government should be intro
laced throughout tbe territory, but only
is the different parts became fit for it
' ind no sooner. This is just the policy
hat has been pursued.
Filipinos nn Rai nf Ind'ana.
In no part of the Louisiana purchase
was complete self-government introduced
'or a number of years; in one part of it,
he Indian Territory, it has not yet been
ntroduced. although nearly a century
las elapsed. Over enormous tracts of it,
ncluding the various Indian reservn
' ions, with a territory in the aggregate
is large as that of the Philippines, the
institution has never yet "followed the
lag;" the army officer and the civilian
igent still exercise authority, adhhaal
taking the "consent of the governed."
vVe must proceed in the Philippines with
he same wise caution, taking each sue
tessive step as it becomes desirable, and
iccommodating the details of our policy
to the peculiar needs of the situation.
Hut aa soon ss the present revolt is put
lown and order established, it will rni
loubtedly be possible to give to tbe ha
inds a larger measure of self-govrrn-nnt
than Jefferson originally gave Latli
dana.
Florida Oot I.Ike Philippines.
The next great step in expansion was
he acquisition of Florida. Tins was
isrtly acquired by conquest and partly
y purchase. Andrew Jacksua being the
noat prominent figure In the acquisition.
It waa taken under President Monro,-,
he aftertime President John Quincy
Vdams being active ia securing the pur
THEODORE ROOJEVELf.
ssxewi SSB SBJSaBBSBBW
chase. Ai in tbt ' m w
1 Ma laired .. purchase from
! Spain, and in Florida the Seminole. wno
hi ,..i consulted in the sale, re
belled and waged war exactly as aojt
of ibe Taenia have rebelled and wsgtd
war la the Philippines. Tbe Seminole
war lasted for uiauy jears, but I'rc.-i-d....ts
Monroe. Adams and Jack-on de
., m . .. Our I l. ,111,-S-
liu.-o tor a inoineui i
.., : l . ... . , . V.. . i.
tion uf abandoning norma io
noles. or to treat their non-consent to the
government of the United States as valid
easuu for turning over the territory to
the in.
Tesaa an 1 Alaska Were Accestiona.
Our next acquisition o. ,rrr..o.,
that
OI it'll!, st-cuieu ' ' " 1 . " -'
- 1, 4 1 iM.t, r T r IT
bad been wrested from the Mexicans by
the Texans themselves.
Then came tbe
rsLsrsrssz
Km Ieiiio
,AI UIHI4. .1 C O', snaasj K" sas - I
and I'tah the result of the Mexican
war, supplemented five years later by
the Ciadsdeu purchase.
The next acquisition was that of Alas
ka, secured from Kussia by treaty aud
purchase. Alaska was full of natives,
some of them bad advanced well beyond
the stage of savagery and were Chris
tians. They were not consulted about
the purchase nor was their acquiescence
: required. The purchase was maue oy
the slave; but none of them deemed it
necessarv to push the doctrine of the
"consent of the governed" to a conclu
sion so fantastic as to necessitate tbe
turning over of Alaska to its original
owners, the Indian and the Aleut. For
thirty years the United States authori
ties, military and civil, exercised the su
preme authority in a tract of land many
times larger than tbe Philippines, in
which It did not seem likely that there
would ever lie any considerable body of
white inhabitants.
Hawaii Diaproves Danger Idea.
Nearly thirty years passed before the
next instance of expansion occurred,
which was over the island of Hawaii. An
effort was made at the end of I'resideut
Harrison's administration to secure the
annexation of Hawaii. The effort was
unsuccessful.
In a debate in Congress on Feb. 2,
18!4, one of the leaders iu opposing the
annexation of the islands stated: "These
islands are more than U.CHMI miles distant
from our extreme western boundary. We
have a serious race problem now in our
country and I am not in favor of adding
to our domestic fabric a mongrel popu
lation (of this character). Our consti
tution makes no provision for n colonial
establishment. Any territorial govern
ment we might establish would asctf n
ily, because of the population, be an oli
garchy, which would have to be support
ed by armed soldiers.
Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and
her delegates hnve sat In the national
conventions of the two great parties. The
fears then expressed in relation to an
"oligarchy" ami "armed soldiers" are not
now seriously entertained by any human
being; yet they are precisely the objec
tions urged against the acquisition of the
Philippines at this very moment.
Militarism Is Not Involve 1.
We are making no iew departure.
We are not taking a single step which
in any way affects onr institutions or our
traditional policies. From the beginning
we have given widely varying degrees of
self-government to the different territo
ries, according to their needs.
The simple truth is that there is no'h
Ing even remotely resembling "imperial
ism" or "militarism" involved iu tbe
present development of that policy of ex
pansion which has been part of the hta
tory of America from the day when she
became a nation. The wools mean abso
lutely nothing as applied to our present
policy in the Philippines; for this poll) y
is only imperialistic in the ernse thst
Jefferson's policy In Louisiana was Impe
rialistic; only military in the sense that
Jackson's policy toward the Seminoles or
Custer's toward the Sioux embodied mili
tarism; and there is no more dauger of
its producing evil results at home now
than there wss of its Interfering with
freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, or
in the days of the Indian wars on the
plains. Our army Is relatively not as
large aa it was in the days of Wayne;
w-e have not one regular for every l.iMXI
inhnhtants. There is no more danger of
a draft than there is of the re-Introduction
of slavery.
Wight to Rnpprese Rebels.
When we expanded over New Mexico
and California we secured free govern
ment to these territories and prevented
their falling under the "militarism" of a
dictatorship like that of Santa Ana, or
the "imperialism" of a real empire in the
.1 , o . , . : - .
ililjn wi ..laiillllllllll. we put a Stop o
nTw.: r t? " :r " h i
antl Imperialistic stride when we drove
the Spaniards from Porto Klco and the
Philippines and thereby made ready the
ground In these islands for that gradu-
iaersaaiaa Measure of self govera-
ment for which their populations ar
evatnlly fitted, lull h being seipcri
along the path to independence as rapid
ly as her owu citixcua are content that
ah. should go.
Of course the presen.-e of troops in tbe
Philippines during tbe Tag! insurrection
bus no more to do with militarism or tar
iverialism than had their presence in the
Minnesota and Wyoming our-
- . .hi,.h r.,llvi ir,. -s
l'i
thr- hustl outbreak., of th Sioux Wtn uti-
uitely put down. There is no more mili
tarism or liuperialisin iu garrisoning Lu
xon until order is restored thnn there was
imperialism in sending soldiers to South
Dak.da in 1 .. during tlie ugaiiana out
.....i,,. which justifies our
i .
w "
having made war against Sitting Bull
' )"" our n.,.uK
.1 a I . .ill'
; breags of Aguiuanio auu nis
! .gainst ..
American alike.
No Abandonment.
The only certain way of rendering it
necessary for our republic to enter on a
career of "militarism would be to ulian
don the Philippines to their own tribes
aud at the same time either to guarantee
a stable government among these tribes
or to guarantee them against outside in-
terference. A far larger army would be
required to carry out any such policy
than will be required to secure order
under the American flag; while the pres
ence of this flag on the islands is really
the only possible security against outside
aggression.
The whole argument against President
McKinley's policy in the Philippines be
comes absurd when it is conceded that we
should, to quote the language of the Kan
sas City platform, "give to the I huip-
pines first a stable form of government
If they are now entitled to independence.
thev are also entitled to decide for them
selves whether their government shall lie
stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or
whether they shall have any government
at all: while it Is, of course, equally evi
dent that under such conditions we have
no right whatever to guarantee them
against outside interference any more
than we have to make such a guaranty in
the case of the Boxers (who are merely
the Chinese analogues of Aguinaldo's fol
lowers). If we have a right to establish a stable
government in the islands it necessarily
follows that it is not only our right but
our duty to support that government un
til the natives gradually grow lit to sus
tain it themselves. How else will it be
stable? The minute we leave it, it ceases
to be stable.
Now a Question of Contraction.
Properly speaking, the question is now
not whether we shall expand for we
have already expanded but whether we
shall contract. The Philippines are now
part of American territory. To surren
der them would be to surrender American
territory. They must, of course, be gov
erned primarily in the interests of their
own citizens. Our first care must be for
the people of the islands which have
come under our guardianship as a result
of the most righteous foreign war that
has been waged within the memory of
tlie present generation. They must be
administered iu tbe interests of their in
habitants, and that necessarily means
that any question of personal or partisan
polities in their administration must be
entirely eliminated.
We must continue to put at tlie heads
of affairs in the different islands such
men ns Oen. Wood, Oov. Allen sad
Judge Taft; and it Is a most fortunate
thing that we are able to illustrate what
ought to lie done in the way of sending
oltieers thither by pointing out what ac
tually has been done. The minor places
in their administration, where it is im
possible te fill them by natives, must In
filled by the strictest application of the
merit system.
Tt is very important that in our own
home administration the merely minis
ferial and administrative offices, where
the duties are entirely non polii ienl, sIimII
be filled absolutely without reference to
partisan altlliati oiis; but this is manv
times more important in the newly ac
quired islands- The merit system is iu
its essence aa democratic as our com
mon school system, for it simply means
equal chances and fair play for all.
Parallel with In 'Ian Cnveriiment.
It muts be reinemben-d always that
governing these islands in the interest of
the inhabitants may not necessarily In
to govern them as the inhabitants at the
moment prefer, to grant self -government
to Luzon under Aguiaaldo would be like
grsnting self-government to an Apache
reservation under some local chief; and
this is no more altered by the fact that
the Filipinos fought the Spaniards thai
it would tie by the fact thai Apache
have long been trained and employed in
Ihe United States army and have ren
dered signal service therein; just as Ihe
Pawnees did under the administration of
President Oram: just as the Rtacfc bridge
Indians did In tbe daya of Oen. Wash
ington, and the friendly tribi-s of the sa
nations In the days of President MgdhSM,
There are now in the United State
communities of Indinns which have ad
vanccd so far that it has licen pesstbS.
to embody than ss a whole in our po
litical system, all the members of the
tribe becoming United States ritisens
There are other communities where the
bulk of the tribe are still too wild for it
to lie possible to take such a step. There
are individuals among the Apaches. Paw
noes. Iroquois, Sioux and other tribes
who are now United States citizens mid
who are entitled to stand, and do stand,
on an absolute equality with all our ilti
sens of pure white blood. Mrs of Indian
blood are saw serving in the army and
navy and in Congress and occupy high
position both In the business and the no
litical world.
Flliplnne Hope of Liberty.
There is every reason why nn rnpldh
aa an Indian, or auy body of Indians,
liecomes fit for self government, he or It
should be granted the fullest equality
with the whiles; but there would lie no
justification whatever In treating this
fact as a reason for abandoning tbe wild
tribes to work out their own destruction.
Kxactly the same reasoning applies in tie
case of the Philippines. To tnrn over
tbe Hands to Aguinaldo and his follow
ers would not be to give self-government
to the Islanders! under no clrcumat ances
would the majority thus gain self gov
eminent. They would ilmnlv Iu,
h
77 awavaaa UMiMKin
, . .,,,, 1 1 ' ' 1 ' i WOlllll
nourisn rar more freely than ever It flour
ished under Tweed, while tyrannical op
pression would obtain to a degree ,,nh
pos.lble under such an oligarchy Yours
truly, THKOOOUK ROOSISVKLT
"THEM is m srm weti i
mtttT.lffl; ClJjfe.
AUKinlr, forty Vmm Ago n.j T.
Hit ihe Same Priocipies,
"There is no such word aa
boys; charge." nttK
These word, were those of Mai w
Kinley nearly forty years a,0 .
ture tbe character of the Pres. i .
to-day aa of the soldier of UftQ "
Tiioraas 0"Callahan. with
blinded and oue ear closed tu
ever by . bullet wound receive mlZ,Z.
national colors at Getty.bar. , , ,
resident of Fort Cuil.na ii
through the war with diatiug,0Jed
ery
"I served under President Helta
in MB. and have met hu
since. L very meeting brings
t ne of the most patriotic expres.i
ever passed the lips of a soldier A
ty of forty meu under the then V
McKinley went on Scouting du'y ft?'
were perilous times theu. '
"All went well until we reached ft,
top of a hi and unexpected, rau
a body of 'Johnnies' nunibennr bei.
800 and 400 They were in
drawn up in firing line and swainaisr
approach. Our first knowledge of fh-i,
presence n the ambush was a Tjb!
which brought down our three traaj Z
of horses aud men.
'Retreat!' onr captain shouted
" 'There is no such word as retreat,
boys; charge:' came a second erd-r
time from Maj. McKinley. who. drawUjg
his sword, dashed ahead, followed by M
cry one of our meu except those hohd
given their lives to the cause. The eoe
my were completely astounded atd at oar
charge retreated in confusion."
"Before we started on this BcoiD.
expedition we were ordered to take three
days' provisions. I had a sack of posnd.
cd oats os the pommel of my u
After the rout or the enemy I turned
the oats out to feed my horse, and found
fifteen bullets in the sack. U horse was
wounded, as was Maj. Mf-Kialcy's, ind
bis sward bill was cut to pieces by bul
lets. Maj. McKinley laughing called
attention te it, ami at tlie same time
complimenting his men on their bravery
remarked:
" 'You have done me a great favor,
boys, and if it ever iicw iu my psirer, I'll
reciprocate.' "
DEAR BOY" LETTERS NO. 7
My Dear Boy:
You inform me that John Jones, Tom
Bcntly and old Hurry YVeluon say that
they are going to vote for MeKiawf
aud Hoosevelt, but that they will vote
against our Congressman, now a candi
date for re-eleeiion.
Well, the Republican party is v?ry
much like Bin. liobinson'a church Bra.
Brown and Bio. Itnbinsoii, two rlrricjd
friends of mine, were talking about tlie
churches under their cure. Br. Bn
said:
'My church has a large membership.
but only n bout one-four:!i of them are ac
tive members."
Bro. Robinson replied:
"My church members are sll a.-tite.
rbe last one of them is active. Those
who won't do anything else i.l kick."
Ihe Republican party la a rerj mtive
organization. There is nothilil dead
about it. The last one nf its mighty
membership is doing Something, ami it is
not surprising that some of this a.tivity
bould display itself in kicking, .loan.
Bcntly and Weldoii have lined up vuti
the kickers.
Now, I am sorry. 1 w ill tell you why
I am sorry. In my judgment, tbe lead
ers of the Deaaocratic party have very
little hope of electing Mr. Hrynn. but
they do hope to elect a Demoi rati lIoti
of Representatives. They do expert te
paralyse legislatiea, tie McKinley's
hands, block the wheels of the aatwiia
progress, nud cripple Ihe ship of stale
right in the midst of tlie breakers that
sin round it. And their hope lie- in the
kicking of such men us Jones, llently add
Weldon.
1' happen to know just what ia t(i
matter with those three men. Jones fail
ed to be appointed postmaster at Buyte
iloah Station. Bcntly didn't get to take
the census Iu Pawpaw township, slid
Weldou thinks he ought to have his pea--ion
increased to twenty-four dollars
month, and the department decided that
fourteen dollars was enough. Kuch of
i hem thinks that his renreseststifl i
I 'ongress is to blame for bis failure
eel whut he wanted. Hence the kick
ing. Now, I do not attempt to solve Ihe nrf--onal
eqnation in either of these three
.ccs. Perhaps Jones would be a very
toad postmaster lit Squednnk. It nity
hi that Bcntly was tlie laosl rompetcal
Istsoii to take tbe census Iu PJJJJ
tOWaahlp. For aught I km Wei.ha
ought to have a pension of Iwentrft
dollars a month, although I Hnubt Wn"
Med than inrs. if mid
I get only eight dollars and am mil
ing abont It. I could use more Is l,rr
good advantage, but nin thankful '"r
what I have.
Why. my boy, we are entering "I"
wonderful times. The ancient , nida
tion of the Orient Is crumbling TW
islands of the sea are being tiansforSH
The Christian uations are comlug .
anther. America, with her lnexhsostl
resources, her Intelligence and
of thonghl, her energy and inv.iiiive
genius, is becoming the for-most fseW
iu the coming regeneration of the '
And at the head of this great
Minis W, liam McKtftfc I ' 1
most tremendous strain which hs
o.oin anv President since Unewili
His wise, dignified fsithfnliies rtor
mauds the respect and confidence
world. He ehmiM he re-elected ''
ahull have a Congress us.u whs
an depend. ,.
In view of thrat great Iblng
small the postmaster's plsi-r at Kqvssa
and such trilling per-mal matters
pear! . , .
Once there waa a man who tt '
gaad farm for a drink of whisky "
Plug of tobiicco. The Bible tells u- '
Ksan who sold his birthright for a
of pottage. Tradition Infn.ms '
man who cut off Ml nose to spite l f-
And of such are Jones, Bently inu w
toa and others who let little thtas 1
them to great things. .
Mr boy, this i not the war "
Think on these things snd lW ' "
uickkh roimrA