BRYAN AN AGITATOR.
HIS EFFORT ALONG THE LINE
IS TO STIR UP STRIFE.
Some of His Kerf Fl-tfc Expressions An
Apostle of Discontent who Seeks to Ar
ray lass Ag-lust Class.
Mr. Bryan apparently started out with
the Intention of discussing tiie coinage
question as a question of pure linance
and statesmanship. In his Madison
Square Garden speech he said nothing
which could be construed as an appeal to
prejudice, unless perhaps It was his dee
laratioa that "there can be no sympathy
or co-operation between the advocates of
a universal sold standard and the advo
cates of bimetallism. Between bimetal
lism whether independent or internation
aland a gold standard there is an im
passable gulf." The question at issue
in the present campaign is not as Mr.
Bryan would have the public believe, be
tween bimetallism and the gold stand
ard; it js between bimetallism and the
6ilver staml-ird. But when Mr. Bryan
commenced shaking without notes the
undertone of hatred and dissension which
characterizes his public utterances be
gan to be distinctly audible.
By the time that he reached Syracuse
he was in a frame of mind which led
him to assert that men who do not favor
silver monometallism are "enemies of
this country, who think they are greater
than the government and can make the
government their instrument for private
gain, the greatest enemies that this coun
try has." He called them "plunderers
of the industrial masses. In behalf of the
money corporations of this country and
Europe."
At Erie. Pennsylvania, he acknowledg
ed that he depended more upon an ap
peal to the emotions than to the intellects
of his hearers, when he said:
"The heart is the place where conduct
Is determined, and if you want to find out
where a man is in this light do not look
at his brain: that would find a reason for
whatever his heart wants to do. I-ook
at his heart, and find out where his sym
pathies are. Show me the sym
pathies of a man and I will mark out
his conduct. Show me a man
whose sympathies are with the Idle hold
ers of idle capital, and I will show you a
man who wants as little money as pos
sible, and puts it on the ground- that he
loves his neighbor better than himself.
Show me a man whose sympathies are
with the smuggling masses, and I will
show you a man who will never stand
up for syndicates and consent to let them
control the financial policy of the United
States."
ard of this country one moment longer
than I can help to get rid of It"
.
At Toledo he said: "A Republican suc
cess would simply mean that while the
people are nominally free they will be
hewers of wood and drawers of water
for those who control the money supply
of the- world." And again: "The people
who intend to strike down one-half of all
the standard money of the world simply
mean to do with you and your property
what the fleets of the world and the
armies of the world would do if they
came to destroy one-half of all your pos
sessions." At Milwaukee he described the present
political campaign as a straggle over the
question whether the people will "allow
the host of the gold standard to enslave
7(1.000,000 of people, white and black, in
this country." He said further: "They
say that we are arraying one class of so
ciety against another. I deny it But.
my friends, if a burglar comes to my
home I have a right to call all my fami-1
ly to keep him out, and it does not make
hie mad if, when he starts away, he
turns around and shouts to me that I am
trying to array my family against him.
When men array themselves against so
ciety, society has a right to array itself i
against them. ? The success of
the Chicago ticket is dangerous only
the man who wants to eat the bread
that somebody else earns."
In his speech at Lincoln, Nebraska, ac
cepting the nomination of the silver "Re
publicans, he said: "I believe that the
gold standard is a conspiracy against the
human race. I would no sooner join the
ranks of those whose purpose it is to
fasten it upon the people than enlist in an
army that was marching to attack my
home and destroy my family.
r
These extracts from Mr. Bryan's bar-
rangues give a fair idea of him as an
agitator and fomenter of popular discord
and commotiou a man who would risk
the horrors of an armed conflict between
citizens of the republic rather than fail
of his election to the chair which he as
pires to occupy. It is diflicult to know
whether he is to be taken seriously. He
is either dangerous or absurd; dangerous
if he succeeds in reaching the height of
his ambition, but absurd if he fails of an
election.
By the time that he reached Buffalo he
legan to sneer at his opixjuents, as, for
instance, in the declaration that "when
the Creator made man, he did not use
any superior kind of mud when he made
financiers."' It was here that he said:
"Advocates of bimetallism (he ' should
have said silver monometallism) are
called demagogues. There has never been
a statesman whose heart beat in sympa
thy with tiie struggling masses who Jias
not been willed a demagogue by those
who opposed him. Young man, do you
want to know how to keep from being
called a demagogue? I will give you a
certain method. Get in tiie employ of
some great. corxration, and then call all
the people anarchists, and you will be a
statesman among your employers."
At Lockiort. New York, lie became de
nunciatory, and said: "They have driv
en down the price of your products, they
have increased the burden or your debts,
they have foreclosed your mortgages,
they are degrading and lowering the
standard of civilization by driving people
who want to work out tlixm the streets,
and their idleness breeds crime, and
(Time menaces the safety of every citizen
of the land." He expressed the belief
that "the gold standard has made more
misery for the human nice than wars
and pestilence and famines: more' misery
than human mind can conceive or hu
man tongue can tell." He began his ap
peal to the passions of his hearers in the
words: "The promulgation of the gold
standard is an attack niton your homes
and upon your firesides, and you have
as much right lo resist it as you have to
resist an' 'army marching to take your
children captive and burn your roof over
your head." Since a man has a right to
resist an army by force, the only possible
inference is that the friends of silver
monometallism would be justified in a
resort to violence to prevent the continu
ance of the present monetary system of
the United States.
;
At Tonawauda he said that "the Chica
go platform means that every man shall
be defended in the enjoyment of that
which he earns, but that no man shall be
permitted to enjoy that which somebody
else has earned and which Is taken from
him by vicious legislation." This Is a
palpable threat of spoliation of the rich.
"The platform," he continued, "is a men
ace to the wrong-doer not the small
wrong-doer only, but also the larger trans
gressor, who attempts to use the govern
ment as his Instrument to wrong others."
This is an attack upon government and
upon the principle of self-government If
the platform Is a menace what would the
election of Mr. Bryan be?
At Toledo he gave the workingmen
some very bad and immoral advice in
the words:
"I will not ask him to anything which
may endanger his position. Let him wear
the opposition button if he will. Let him
put his name on their club list If he must
Let him contribute to their fund If he
will. But let him remember there is one
day in the year when he is his own mas
ter and can use a pencil as he pleases. I
am willing for you to be Republicans ev
ery day In the year if you will just be
Democrats on election day. I am willing
for you to wear gold-bug buttons all the
rest of the time If, when you enter the
booth, you will remember that the gold
standard never conferred a benefit upon
those who toil, and that it was never in
dorsed of approved or sanctioned by any
body of the people except those who hold
fixed investments and trade in money or
profit by the extremities of the govern
ment" This was equivalent to advising work
ingmen, whose friend he claims to be, to
make of themselves liars, traitors, hypo
crites and cowards, if only they would
.'vote for him on the third of November.
;ln the same speech be took a defiant at
titude and said: "If I am elected the
gold standard will not remain the stand-
WH AT BRYAN SAID AND M'KlN-
LEY DID.
An Object "Lesson for fin Plate Workers.
What Bryan SAID on tin plate
Mr. Raines, of New York: "When the
Industry of tin plate is established in the
United States and three months ago
there was not a gentleman on that side
who would admit that there was or
would be a tin plate factory in the Unit
ed States"
Mr. Bryan: "We will not admit it to
day, sir." (Speech in House of Repre
sentatives, March 16, 1MJ2.)
What McKinley DID for tin plate:
ToU8.
Amprlr-nii tin nlate manufactured
18D2-18U5 200,000
American tin plntes plated, 1892
18U5 Actual product in four years
Estimated product for 189G
12.000
212.000
138,000
Practical results of McKlnley's
constructive legislation after
live years. . . p .
Tons.
330,000
Value of that Industry diirlncr this
time to the United States $35,000,000
Number of wane-earners employed
at the present time 40.000
Average pay of men In mills. . .J2.5Q per day
.Mimoer oi tin plate nuns, lncura-
nur (iiDninir mams, urouciit into-
existence . 200
Result: Money kept at home, add!
tional employment for American: labor
and a product cheaper and better than
we have ever had before, and the buyers
of tin plate won over to the wisdom of
McKinley s protection policy.
Bryan said we could not make tin
plate. McKinley has established the in
dustry, and given employment to- Ameri
can workmen at good wages.
laboring men! Which do you want:
What Bryan SAID or McKinley DID?
WAGES AND COST OF LIVING- FN
JAPAN.
. There are no more painstaking, method
ical, accurate statisticians in the world,
than those of the new Japanese empire.
Japan has published a rejsjrt of the com
mittee appointed to investigate Its tnotLe
tary system, which shows in vaxious
parts of the empire the average prices
paid for all sorts of commodities for a
long series of years past. A correspond
ent of the Cleveland World in Tokiij, has
taken the trouble to examine this report
with care, and has furnished to that joui
nal a table in detail showing the general
rise in the cost of living in- Tokio- ami
Osaka since 1873. Taking the prices
paid in 1873 as a unit and calling" it 100,
his table shows that in 1894 the price of
rice must be stated at 105, of inisoy 15S;
of table salt, 91; of soy, 15Srf firewood,
141; of charcoal, 150; of cotton. 118; of
rent. 228; of bath charges. 221'. These
are the princial items in the cost of liv
ing in Japan, and it is said that in 1894
the total cost of living is- expressed by
the figure 162 as compared with 100 in
1S73. This Is equivalent to saying that
the cost of living has Increased during
twenty-one years by G2 per cent on the
average. The rise in priees is due to the
decline in the. purchasing power of sil
ver which is turn U due-to its deprecia
tion in comparison with gold, or more
properly speaking, to the greatly in
creased output of silver compared with
the output of gold. The effect of this rise
in prices upon persons with fixed income
is stated as follows: "It will be seen
that a petty official who could subsist in
1873 on ten yen a month required at the
beginning of 1S94, yen 1C.20 to live in
proportionate style, while a person who
lived on 14.40 yen a month in 188G re
quired 2C20 yen eight years later. It is,
therefore, easy to see that people living
on petty fixed income, such as clerks in
government service, whose income is
practically, stationary, must now be ex
periencing considerable difficulty in mak
ing ends meet, especially since house
rent, which constitutes the largest item in
the cost of living, is steadily going up
ward." The same correspondent prints a table
of wages of mechanics upon the same
plan, which shows that if the average
wage paid in 1873 was 100, the average
wage paid in 1894 was 133, that Is to
say, wages had increased by one-third,
or a little more than one-half as much as
the cost of living. This statement Is in
teresting and Important In Its relation to
the fierce discussion now in progress be
tween American workingmen in favor of
the election of Bryan and those In favor
of the election of McKinley, as to the ef
fect of the free coinage of silver at 10
to 1 upon their personal pecuniary inter
ests. On the one hand, it is claimed that
while free coinage will result in an in
crease in the prices demanded for com
modities, wages will rise in proportion,
so that a workingman for his daily or
weekly stipend can purchase as much
comfort as he Is able to purchase now,
This is the claim of the Bryan men. The
McKinley men deny it, and assert on the
contrary, that while wifges may rise
slightly, they will not double as it is sup
posed that the prices of commodities will
therefore the workingman, while he may
receive a larger sum of money in re
turn for his labor, the money will have
less purchasing power and lie will there
by receive less of comfort His condition,
instead of being improved, will be worse
than it now is. The experience of Japan
since 1S73 goes to show that the McKin
ley men have the best of the argument
and this experience is confirmed by the
experience of all other countries on a sil
ver basis, in which wages and prices have
risen in consequence of the depreciation
of silver. Wages never rise in proportion
to prices. For this reason the free coin
age of silver at 1(5 to 1 would be an in
jury and not a benefit to the working-
men of the United Stares.
MR. BRYAN'S TARIFF DODGING
The refusal of Mr. Bryan to discuss
the tariff question Is causing comment
unfavorable to him. In view of the
fact that while in congress Mr. Bryan
was one of the most radical advocates
of tariff reduction, in order to cheapen
prices for the benefit of the people,
whereas now he is urging that prices
are too low, very naturally suggests
that he was either Insincere then in
his plea for the people or he Is insiu
cere now. Cheapness was then the
great desideratum with him. Ho
railed against the "tariff robbers" and
urged that a reduction of duties was
necessary to give the people needed re
lief in lower prices for what they con
sumed. It was not the currency, but
the economic policy of the Republican
party which Mr. Bryan then regarded
as the source of all ills. In a speech
in the House of Representatives in 1SD2
Mr. Bryan characterized protection asj
a cannibal tree which had crushed the
farmers within its folds and declare
that the only thing needed to give re
lief to the farmers and to the masses
of the people was tariff reform. Ther-
was no trouble with the currency,
which was the some then that it is
now. The whole trouble was with the
tariff.
Referring to the attitude of Mr. Bry
an when in Congress and his presen
attitude, the New York Times says
"For some years and up to s recent
date, Mr. Bryan, in and out of Con
gress, . earnestly and constantly de
manded a great reduction of tariff
duties and urged that many dutiable
products should be placed upon the
free list, because, as he contended, the
prices of the necessaries of life ought
to be reduced for the benefit of the
people. The tariff, he said, made
prices unwarrantably and unjustly
high; the interests of the masses re
quired that these prices and the cost
of living should be cut down. Nov he
asserts that the prices of the necessar
ies of life are very much too low and
that they were too low at the very
time when he was saying that they
were too high and was exerting bis in
fluence to reduce them. He proclaims
the doctrine that the cost of those
things by which life is sustained
should be Increased not decreased by
legislation and advocates a policy de
signed to increase It. It was, lie said,
for the benefit of the masses that he
then called for legislation that would
decrease this cost; it Is, he says, for
the benefit of the masses that be now
demands legislation that will increase
It. Why should he not desire to avoid
any discussion or any expression ol
opinion that weufd exhibit this differ
ence and this evidence of inconsis
tency? Mr; Bryan In 1892 and in 1894
did his part ami did it well In deluding
the people regarding the tariff and he
does: not now dare attempt a defense ol
his course; the disastrous effects ol
which are known to everybody. He is
now engaged In nrnother effort to de
lude and mislead the people, but what
he now proposes Is far more dangerous
to the welfare and prosperity of the
country thai the- policy of tariff reduc
tion he advocated In Congress, In ordei
to- reduce prices. -That policy has done
great harm- to an interests and espec
tally to the agricultural and the .labor
interests, but ft Is trifling in compari
son to tile fnjTrry that would be
wrought by the free coinage of silver.
Mr. Bryan has the- very best of reasons
for avoiding discussion of the tariff
question' He cannot defend the re
sults of the policy for which he 's In
part responsible. Having deceived tha
people- once, to their immeasurable
loss, wiD he be allowed to do so again':
No- one cart think so who has any faith
in popular intelligence. Omaha Bee.
POWDERLY AT COOPER UNION
AN ADVOCATE OF ANARCHY.
The silver Democrats and the Popu
lists do not say very much abont the
"Anarchy plank" in their platforms.
Tet Mr.. Bryan declared in his lettei
of acceptance that he approves of thai
pians witn ail the rest Here are the
planks as they appear in the two plat
forms. The first is the Chicago plank
and the second is the St Louis plank:
We denounce ar-i The arbitrarv
course of the
courts In assum
ing t o imprison
citizens for Indt
r e c t contempt
and ruling by in
junction sboulil
be prevented bj
proper legisla
turn.
bitrary interference
by federal authori
ties in local affairs
as a violation of the
Constitution of the
United States and
crime against free
institutions. and
we especially ob
ject to government
by Injunction as a
new and highly
dangerous form of
oppression.
I have carefully considered the plat
form adopted by the Democratic Na
tional convention, - and ', unqualified'
Indorse every plank thereon," says Mr
Bryan. In his Labor day address, Air
Bryan told workingmen that the gov
ernment should provide some way ir
which they could settle their differ
ences with capital "Instead of resort
tag to violence to settle them." St
he declares violence one means of set
tlement Thus he proclaims himself,
beyond all doubt or cavil, an advocat
of anarchy. Buffalo, (N. Y.) News.
It was not strange that an organized
ffort was made to disturb the proceed
ings at Cooper Union at the wage-earn
ers' meeting on Thursday evening, and
by riotous interruptions prevent Mr.
Powderly from obtaining a hearing.
Not strauge at all, but entirely charac
teristic of the methods and th- man
ners of that faction in the labor move
ment which has been striving for years
to prostitute and degrade the move
ment for their own selfish purposes.
They are marketable, and both vicious
and lawless. It has not been the prac
tice, even in our most exciting political
campaigns, for the emissaries of an op
position party to invade the meet'ngs
of their' opponents In turbulent and
disorderly gangs with the sole view of
creating disturbance and inciting rloi.
But the fellows who endeavored to
break up the Cooper Union meeting
with hisses and howls and catcalls, in
order to prevent decent and law-abid
ing citizens from hearing Mr Pow
derly deliver what every one who
either heard or read it must iidniit
was a perfectly calm, logical and rea
sonable exposition of the Issues of the
campaign, were of the new order of
political disputants the sort engen
dered by the doctrines of the. Chicago
platform, and accurately represented
bv the Boy Orator and Ins auarcmst
following. Their highest conception
of political discussion consists In
drowning the arguments of their oppo
nents by unmeaning noise; tneir only
answer to calm and intelligent state
ment is lawlessness and disorder.
The only purpose of these disciples
of the Boy Orator was to prevent. Mr.
Powderly from obtaining a hearing. In
so doing they were only exemplifying
the principles of the Chicago platform,
onlv following, and bettering but
small degree, the instructions of the
candidate who has for the last two
months been engaged in inciting just
such demonstrations by appeals to the
ignorance and the lawless passions of
those whom he calls the toiling
masses, nut wliy siiouiu tney maive
this violent and disgraceful lemoii
stration against Mr. Powderly? They
pretend to be laboring men. and to be
nctuated bv a sincere desire To pro
mote the interest of laboring men: to
make labor Itself not only "worthy its
hire from a material point of view, but
deserving of the highest consideration,
both from its inestimable consequence
as the most important factor in the
world's progress and from the intelli
gence with which its responsibilities
are weighed and its duties considered.
They pretend, in short to be the npec
ial advocates of the rights, and the
champions of the dignity of labor. It
was under color of this advocacy, and
by virtue of this championship, tnnt
they set themselves on Thursday night
In Cooper Union not to listen to the ar
guments of an opponent, of their own
class. In order to be able to answer
them nor. Indeed, to answer iheni mi
the spot with some show of order and
plan but simply to suppress his argu
ment by lawless disorder and howl or
his him down unheard, by mere noise.
And who Is Terence . Powderly
that these so-called and self-styled ad
vocates of the rights of labor should
with such deliberation and set purpose
undertake to nowl ana niss down in a
community whose boast is the freedom
of speech, which under law is accorded
and by la-w protected? His record as a
labor leader answers the Inquiry. He
was for many yeaTS- the highest iflleer
of the organization of Knights of l-i
bor, the- most successfnl association of
Its kind ever known in this country
Under his administration It was the
most respected and' Influential. No
combination of workmen had ever
ccromanded' such- respect, and certainly
none had ever made its Influence and
power so universally felt, as thp
Knights of Labor under Ms adinlnls
tration. Self-poised and firm, he was
no less conservative- ana conciliatory,
and his administration was marked by
more real advancement for the cause
of labor and more actual achievements
In its behalf than were ever known
before or since. His policy was op
posed by the demagogues and agi'at
ors in the labor movement whose only
conception of the labor question !s
that there is." and must necessarily a I
ways be. bitter and' relentless war be
tween the employer and the employed
between capita! and' labor. Ont of such
constant contention these men made
their living. Labor strikes were and
are their opportunities. Reconcilia
tions and mutual' understandings were
and are the- destruction of their bus!
ness as agitators, and consequently the
bane of their existence. They put
Powderly out In 1893. Since then that
queer counterpart of the Boy Orator,
Mr. Sovereign, has been wabbling
round In his place, making more noise
in a minute than Powderly did in a
year, and doing a thousand times mure
mischief In the- same time Powderly
ever did'.
The labor movement has been divid
ed into two distinct parties ver sin'.-e
Powderly was deposed. Powderly ad
dressed with- Ms own method and his
own ltne- of argument one of thee di
visions the other night at Coopor
"Onion. The other division met him- flu
their own way, with' their own man
ners, and by their own and only meth
od. The result was that Mr. Powderly
was heard, and his disturbers had to be
ejected by the police. The lesson can
not be lost npon honest laboring- men,
who desire to hear both sides and form
their own judgments upon political
questions and do not believe in the sup
pression of free speech. New York
Tribnne.
M'KINLEY EXCELS HIMSELF.
The steel and Iron Indnstrv has been
quoted as the barometer of trade, and
It Is true that when the steel rail mills,
the forges, the great foundries, the
nail mills, the huge establishments' in
which structural iron and the thous
and household articles and implements
of agriculture or of mechanics are busy
the whole community . is prosperous.
There may be exceptional causes lead
ing to exceptional activity in one or
two of the many branches of the great
Iron and steel Industry while tlrn gen
eral commerce of the nation lan
guishes, but it universally is true that
when all the branches of the iron trade
are vigorous the whole country is pros
perous, ana when ail of them are life
less the wholei country, is prostrated.
This condition gives peculiar signifi
cance to the visit made to Major Mc
Kinley by 2,000 wage-earners from the
steel works at Braddock, Pennsylvania.
The voice of these men is representa
tive in the voice of the nation. They
are men who have passed through a
season of adversity; they have suffered
from reduced wages and from lessened
hours of work: the savings of th pru
dent have melted in the slow lire of
enforced idleness. These men have di
agnosed their own case correctly they
know "what is the matter." They
have been prosperous uuder protection
and unprosperons uuder reduced tar
iffs. They went' to an experienced and
sympathetic physician In quest of a
remedial prescription.
They talked to McKinley and he an
swered them In tit words:
"I bid you welcome to my city and
to my home. I can well appreciate wky
the workingmen of this country should
have a deep and profound interest in
the outcome of the present national
contest. I cannot fail to remember
that one thing which stands between
your labor and the labor of Europe--
the one thing which stands between
your workshops and the workshops of
the old world. It Is a wise, patriotic
American protective policy.
There are two qualities that strive
for pre-eminence in the nature of Ma
.ror McKinley sound common seine
and unaffected brotherly feeling tow
ard those whom Mr. Bryan delights to
call "the plain common people," as if
they were of a class to which he stoops
from the height of a real or suppoi
tiously intellectual supremacy, but tj
whom and of whom McKinley always
speaks as "my fellow citizens." These
two characteristics never have been
more finely displayed than in his ad
dress to the irou and steel workers. An
ostentatious man would have seized
the opportunity for a display of his
scholarship In economics, and in so do
ing would have "multiplied words
without wisdom." The Republican
nominee went right to the root of the
matter in less than twenty words:
"We know that the present monetary
standard has not stood in the way of
our prosperity in the past." (Cries of
"No. no; free trade has.")
The extreme gold men and the ex
treme silver men alike are In error
The present monetary standard has
not stood In the way of our prosperity
in the past." Nor will it in the future.
It is-an excellent system; it makes the
saver dollars as good as gold for the
purchase of all things and for the pay
ment of all debts; it prevents the pa
per currency from becoming depreciat
ed or irredeemable. The Republican
party Is pledged to Its maintenance.
The Democratic party is pledged to Us
destruction.
After this display of the soundest
quality of sound sense the distinguish
ed host of the visiting workmen gave
utterance to sentiments of the truest
patriotism and of the most implicit
confidence In the good Intent of his
countrymen:
"My fellow citizens,- It Is gratifying
to me to be assured by your spokesman
and my old comrade It will be Inspir
ing to the whole country that the
voice of labor here to-day declares that
no party which degrades the honor of
the nation, no party which" stands op
posed to law and order, or which seek
to array the masses against the classes,
shall receive Its vote and support.
Golden- words are these, which will
strike a chord In every American mme
where- virtue "dwells nnd truth abides
"We ha-ve this year resting npon ns
as citizens a grave responsibility. The
country has never failed or faltered In
the past to meet every crisis. It will
not falter or fail now to uphold the
dignity and independence of labor and
the honor and stability of the govern
ment that it may stiir further exalt
the American name;"
Here 1 no demagogic flattery of "the
Intelligence of. the plain common peo
ple," no shoddy rhetoric upon "the cru
cifixion of labor." but just a manly ap
peal to the- patriotism and good sense
of his fellow citizens and an expres
sion of confidence In the- exercise- of
them at the coming election. Major
-ticiviniey has -done well in alT his ef
forts, but in his address to the Iron and
steel workers he excelled himsWl'.--
Chicago Inter Ocean;
BRYAN AND THE TARIFF.
Candidate Bryan shows a ' kind f
shifty shrewdness in his avoidance of U'
issue which his party has made the &
most one in every campaign for man)
many years, until now. He says: "What
ever may be the individual views of citi
zens as to the relative merits of protec
tion and tarif reform, all must recog
nize that until the money question is fully
and finally settled, the American people
will not consent to the consideration of
.any other Important question." If he had
said that the American people, having
tried tariff reform, and declared fbem
seves very, very sick of It, and were de
termined to return to the principles of
protection and stay there, he would have
come much nearer the truth, but then he
would have found the truth embarrass
ing, as usual. Therefore, he acted
shrewdly, accordinjr to his standard of
practical prudence in saying as little
as passible on the subject and making
that little take the form of a claim that
the people are not interested in the sub
ject. ,
Nevertheless, the .' Democratic party
stands pledged by many plyiks in many
national platforms to oppose the protec
tive principle, and remains committed
by Its action of scarcely more than four
years ago to the tjoctrine that protection
is unconstitutional and must be extirpat
ed root ami branch. A party cannot
change its principles as a man can change
his shirt, every time a change seems to be
temporarily convenient. A party is re
sponsible for its history and its 'declara
tions in the past as well as in the pres
ent. It may indeed undergo develop
ment, growth and gradual change, but
only as an individual, by rational pro
cesses and in accordance with relations of
cause nnd effect. A party cannot, mere
ly by ignoring a subject or saying some
thing non-committal aliout ft. relieve it
self of all resiionsibility for what it has
said and done in relation to that matter
through all Its previous existence.
The tariff question is one regarding
which Amercau voters are deeply Inter
ested in this campaign and million of
them are impatiently looking forward
to November 3, next, as the time when
they will have a chance to ex
press themselves on the subject at the
ballot box. No matter how much this
year's candidate for the presidency on
the Democratic ticket may try lo run
away and hide from the. tariff question,
the voters will not forget that he is the
candidate of a party which stands
pledged by unrepealed platform declar
ations to turn over the markets of this
country to the unrestrained competition
of foreign capital and labor, and that the
long continued industrial stagnation In
this country has followed an attempt
of the Democratic party to carry 6nt its
schemes in that respect: an attempt
which the party lenders have declared '
to be only the first step in the way that
tney intend the country to travel. Bos
ton Advertiser.
THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH.
BRYAN IS-PREACHING TREASON
Attorney General Harmon firms the
flank of Bryanism neatly when
he quotes Senator- Daniel of
Virginia against Chairman Dan
iel of the Popocratic convention
In relation to the subject of "Federaf in
terference," MMlled, with the assumed
rights- of mobs to violate tiie laws of the
United States.
Senator Daniel' Introduced In the sen
ate that ringing resolution whfeb upheld
Mr. cieveiana in- nis- suppression bv mil
itary force of the interference of lawless
men "with; the transportation of the malls
of the United' States and with commerce
among tile states."' It was Senator Dan
iel who presided over that maniac con
vention that propounded the assurance
that the- president had no constitutional
right to do that very thing which Sena
tor Daniel formally and; vigorously an-
provea ms aoing.
It requires om little patience on the
part of men familiar with the organic
law of the Union to gravely meet and
refute the wild assertion of Ignoramuses
and blatherskites, but Mr. Harmon has
simply to submit sections 3,297 and 5,2118
of the revised statutes to prove the obli
gation on the, president to employ force
against unlawful obstructions "in what
ever state or territory thereof the laws
of the inited States may be forcibly
opiwsed or the execution thereof ob
structed." The doctrine laid down bv
Altgeld, adopted by the Popocracy and
proclaimed from the stump by Brvan the
attorney general rightly declares to be
more dangerous that the doctrine of seces
sion. The only plea for Bryan and his
earnest followers Is that of shameful ig
norance of the law. Ignorance of the
law, however, is not a vnid defense.
1 his man is preaching treason and fools
are applauding him because they know
no better New York Commercial Advertiser.
Tht Old Sonjr.
Young Sewnll made a speech or two
Hefore the Maine election.
He talked apnlnat the silver craze
And told of his deflection.
His speeches they were heard and read.
They caused the hosts to gather:
They piled up 80,000 votes,
"And the blow it near killed father."
It is all right to make a campaign of
education. But the effort of the Demo
cratic leaders to array the poor against
the rich, and make labor and capital
enemies, is evil, and wholly evil.
The freedom of speech nnd right in
a country like the United States, where
every citizen has his say, can only be
maintained by jealously guarding the
public utterances. It should Ie deem
ed a menace to everyone when any in
dividual descends to Incendiary or an
archistic talk to accomplish a purpone.
If anyone violates this- principle. It
should always be taken against lilm.
and in the ease of a political candidate.
it should defeat him. a the people
cannot afford to trust an Intemperaite
or an Incendiary man. and they don't
need to. The difference between ear
nestness and anarchy in speech Is no
clearly defined that there need be no
mistake.
When Bryan, in his speech at Chica
go, said burn down your cities, etc.. he
gave the key to his whole scheme and
character. If the public trusts him af
ter such a note of warning it must ex
pect an Incendiary government, dan
gerous at all times alike to friend and
foe. Bryan will undoubtedly be beat
en by his own party. It is justly
ashamed of him. lie Is not even a
Democrat. Ills party found it neces
sary to get a. way from him entirely
and hold another convention and Bom
Inate a Democrat to gt away from
the stampede and riot at Chicago that
adopted a platform that mast sink any
candidate that stands ou it. Never
mind Bryan's promises for free silver
to all voters If he is not to be trusted
by his own party. If a bad man tried
to assure us of a good thing we would
all be slow to believe him. Here ia a
man posing as a Democrat witbont
any Democracy and so bad that tbe
best men In bis own party cannot and
will not trust htm. bnt find it necessary
to go and hold a convention and nom
inate a Democrat so as to beat him if
possible. Instead of preaching to the
publie Mr. Bryan should privately and
religiously try to make pence with and
satisfy the good men of his own party
that he and his 1(1 to I nnd his anarchy '
and burn down your cities is right His
position before tbe country at the pres
ent time is that of a man utterly dis
credited by tbe best men in what he
claims is his own Democratic party,
many of them tried and trusted Dem
ocrats and patriots before he was old
enough to blat. The pledges, promises
and threats of such a mini as Bryan
must fall flat in the face of such facts.
Brvan's boasted eloquence must be de
void of sense and argument when he
can not convince millions of conceded
Democrats that he is not a menace to
the country and its business Interests.
He must have tried it on the dog at .
Chicago to stampede the convention,
but the medicine Is no good when offer
ed to real Democrats, nnd the real
Democrats In the Chicago convention
even rebelled. We are told level-headed
people cannot le hypnotized, but
that certain subjects can. We can eas
ily place Bryan among the hypnotists
when he handled enough subjects at
Chicago to get nominated nnd fell flat
before a level-headed crowd here.
Such a man. with such a nerve, could
only succeed like Svengall. New York
Dispatch.
Chips That In th (fight.
Bryan's boom seems to be drifting
In splinters toward Salt River. New
York Commercial Advertiser.
It Is not well to lose sight of the fact
that the deficiency In the treasury un
der the Wilson tariff is steadily in
creasing. And the matter of raising
revenue has nothing to do with tbe
question of coinage.
(SPECIAL NUMBER ONEX)