C
Supplement
THE DALLES CHRONICLE.
"WEDNESDAY OCTOIIER 21, 18D.
Political Notes and Observations
from the Popocrat Candi
date's Own City.
TTusiness. men are studying the money
.question. Mr. Bryan has seen fit to
tell his audience over and over again
that the business men of the country are
against free silver partly because they
don't know anything about the question
and partly because they are dishonest.
In this 31r. Kryau misleads .his follow
ers and misrepresents the business men.
It may be true that what is called free
silver agitation started first among the
farmers rather than among the business
men. but later the business men have
Tead the free-silver literature, have, read
both sides of the question, until at the
present time the business men of the
nation are thoroughly informed from a
business standpoint and from a nonpar
tisan standpoint on the money question.
It is probably true that the politicians
that oppose silver are moved by prejudice
uid self-interest to a certain degree just
as the politicians who favor free silver
lire moved bv self-interest to a certain
degree- but the business men. the men
who arc managing the business concerns
of the country, the bankers, and the
tiii.meiers have made it a part of their
business to read up on the money ques
tion, to become thoroughly informed, and
1hey have passed upon the question from
- a business and not from a political stand
point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor
al force of the business judgment of the
country and knowing that this business
judgment condemns free coinage as a
dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the
business mind of the country by deuoune
in" it as ignorant and dishonest on the
money question. Mr. Bryan professes
to desire n restoration of the industries
of this country. At the same time he
denounces the business men of the coun
try and proposes a plan which he knows
thev are afraid of.
i
The threat of free trade in the cam
paign of and in the election of 'Oli,
frightened the business mind of the coun
try, first into distrust and doubt and then
into a panic, the effect of which is still
on. The question above all others at
this time is how to remove this business
depression from the business mind. Mr.
JRryan says that free coinage will revive
;the industries. liut nt the same time he
admits that the business mind is against
it. and is afraid of it. The effect of this
threat of free coinage is to make every
capitalist hide ids money, to make every
banker afraid of investments, to make
'very dollar creep into the darkest corner
of the safety vault, and by this process of
money hiding and money boarding which
is now going on nil over the United
States, the circulating money of the
country is disappearing from active use
faster than all the government mints
could coin new money if they were now
under a free coinage law.
Laboring men are crowding around
Mr. Brynn to hear his speeches and
many of them appear to be pleased
with what he says. He talks kindly to
the laboring man and his words are as
nweet as honey. But the thinking labor
ing man knows thnt so long as industry,
that is. the mind force which is man
aging industry, is afraid of free coinage,
that all plans for the enlargement of in
dustry or the employment of labor are
suspended, pending the discussion of
the money question, and that these plans
will be taken up and carried into execu
tion only wheu the business mind of
the country is assured by the election of
McKinley that there is to be a sound
business policy in the government of this
nation.
George fjroot. chairman of the N'ntinn.
si Silver party, spcakim: at Lincoln
JScti.. oji September 8. from the steps of
the state can tol buildine. with Mr '
rSry.-ui sitting near linn, denounced tin
hankers as the enemies of society, and
declared that the financiers of' Wall
street should 1m- hung to the telegraph
poles. On the evening of Sen'tember 7,
in front of the Hotel Lincoln in I in.
coin. Neb.. Ignatius Donnelly of Min
nesota denounced the bankers and the
financiers of this eouutry as the enemies
vi me pcopie. enemies of prosperity,
and declared thnt their influence upon
this country ought to be set aside. Now,
what do the followers of Mr. Bryan ex
pect to hapiien to the laboring men and
to the farmers of this country, when
they, by reason of their superior num
ber, have voted out the banker and the
business man and have voted in this
new system of finance? What force
tviii iane tne place or this business
mind force when it has been displaced?
it m-ii me country nas struck rinwn it
jjii-rc-ui uuuiverB, us present nnanciers.
i'ir-oeui uuniuen men, us 1 present
ma lingers of industries and commerce,
when the common people by a majority
vote have paralyzed this business power,
what other force will take its place
and form plans for the employment of
labor, for the carrying on of commerce
ami rnr me management of all the indus
trial forces which give vitality to the
material body of the nation?
On the afternoon of September 8 in
front of the state tapitol buildiug at
Lincoln. Mr. Bryan, after denouncing
the business clement of the country be
cause it is against him in this contest,
congratulated himself that the laboring
men of the country believed in him and
that enough of the farmers believed-in
him that these two elements united in
this election would enable him to sweep
the country in November. This he char
acterizes n victory of the people, because
it wijl bring them better times. It mnv
be very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when he
looks out into the faces of laboring men
and farmers who applaud such speeches
as this, but what reason have these la
boring men and farmers to expect bet
ter times through the election of Mr.
Bryan, when he himself admits that the
business men of this nation regard his
election as a menace to business and
prosperity? Can you revive business bv
doing that which paralyzes the hope anil
courage of business men? When the
industries of the nation revive, -there
must be some mind force in the country
to bring it about. There must also be
capitalists who believe in the future and
who are ready to invest money. There
must be banks and these banks must not
only have funds, but they must be will
ing to invest these fnnds. and thou- mnri
believe and have confidence before they
can consent Mr. Bryan admits that
they are not consenting now; will they
torment after election?
When Ignatious Donnelly was de
nouncing the bankers and the financiers
as the enemies of their conn try, ia his
speech in front of the Hotel Lincoln,
someone asked. "What about Mr. JSew-r
all?" Donnelly replied. "I know noth
ing of Mr. Sewair and I don't want any
thing to do with him. If I had my way
he would come off of thnt ticket in
twenty-four honrs." Mr. Donnelly then
went into a bitter tirade against all
hankers and business men in general,
and the laboring men who heard him
applauded his ntterances. Now it must
have oeenrred to the more thoughtful of
these laboring men that every day's work
and every dollar paid to labor must first
be thought out n,nd planned by sinw
business m:nd. Before labor can n.-gin
in any industry there must he some
thought force and some business judg
ment which passes upon 'the plans of
(hat industry and believes that it will
sncceeJ. There must- be financiers,
bank-i and capitalists to consent and
their consent must be based upon the
faith that the industry will succeed. If
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were capi
talists and business men, then they
themselves might promise employment
to labor. Or. if the plans proposed by
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were re
ceiving the endorsement of the business
judgment of others who hare ,-apitnl.
then it might seem reasonable that free
coinage niigrft revive industry and brin;;
better times.
Mr. Bryan and his corps of free silver
orators constantly denounce idle capital.
Mr. Bryan knows that idle capital is al
ways the result of lack of confidence,
lie also knows that idle capital makes
idle men. If one sot of men have the
capital and another set of men who
are workers stand ready to be employed
by this capital, then there must be a
conditinu of harmony between the people
who own the capital and the men who
stand ready to go to work or there will
tie no work. If a plan is proposed which
makes capital afraid, and if the workers
stand ready by their votes and their ma
jorities to carry out this plan, then it is
but natural that the men who control
the capital, being afraid Of his new plan,
will board their capital and keep it idle
rather than risk it under conditions
which they believe will .be disastrous.
Does it then avail anything to the labor
ing man that this capital is denounced
as the enemy of the country? Edison was
once a laboring man, but is now a cap
italist. When he was a laboring man his
opinions and his plans were in a certain
degree dependent upon the plans and the
opinions of some one else. When Edi
son was a laborer, employed in con
structing machines, whether he was em
ployed or not depended upon his em
ployer. If the employer found by experi
ence thnt the wdrk in which he was en
gaged was unprofitable to him. then Mr.
Edison lost his job. Now, Mr. Edison,
having evolved by his own exertions out
of n -condition where he was a worker
with his hands only, into a condition
where lie has become a great mind force
which controls industry, is vastly more
important to labor than he was before.
Then he could consent to the employment
of only one man. himself. Now he can
conseut to the employment of thousands
of men. and whether they are employed
or not depends more upon his judgment
than upon their own. The industries of
the world, no matter who is employed in
them, have always been and always will
be under the control and direction of
mind. Majorities have nothing to do
with it except as the majorities are in
harmony with this mind force and have
the approval of its judgment.
Whether 500 or 5000 men are employed
at the Burlington machines shops at Lin
coln. Nebraska, during the next four
years, depends not upon the political
judgment of the men who are employed
in these machine shops, but upon the
business judgment of those who must fur
nish money to pay for this labor. And
this business judgment, looking always to
the financial policy of the government for
signs of business safety or of business
dunger, is inspired with confidence or is
inspired with fear as it interprets the
business prosjority of the future by the
political conditions ot the future. If this
business mind sees in the election of
Bryan and cheap money signs of future
stagnation and depression, then it is but
natural that it should keep the number of
men employed to the very least possible
limit. People who ride in the Burlington
trains along by the town of Havelock
near. Lincoln where these machine shops
are located, can see the signs of business
depression and can interpret the doubt
that is in the mind of the directors of the
road, when they see the side tracks lined
with broken engines which the small
force of men employed are not able to
repair. If the laboring people of the East
were at work today there . would be a
market in these great centers of industry
in. the East for Nebraska's food nrnrinct
I then these great railroad systems
would require every engine and every car
-hi..l. tl.L ... V.' r c'
the wheels would lie kept rolling night
and day carrying the great crops of Knn-
.-. -M-rinisKa ami lowa to the food-con-snniing
Must. This condition would em
ploy labor ami give value to farm prod
ucts. Lhe whole theorv of Uetn
I . . ... ..t,.-i-iu suc
cess depends upon the activity of Eastern
' """"J "u me activity of Eastern in
dustry depends upon the faith and confi
dence of the Eastern business mind.
A hired man cannot be employed upon
a farm without the consent of the own
er of the farm.
A carpenter cannot get employment
without the consent of the builder who
is engaged in building houses, and the
builder cannot get the house to build
without the consent of the men who
have the money to build houses. In
all lines of industry the man who works
with his hands is dependent npon the
man who works with his mind and in
all countries the mind workers are "th
controllers of industry. When the mind
workers and those who have the making
of the plans for industry have confi
dence that industry will be profitable
then- there is employment.
William Jennings Bryan and hfe plat
form is a menace to industry and Mr
Bryan knows it. The conviction is fast
ened deep upon him and the leaders of
his cause, that the thing which thev are
trying to accomplish is against the'busi
ness judgment of the American people
They are condemned by the mind work
ers of the nation, and because, they
realize this, they constantly appeal to
clnss prejudice, hoping that there are
laborers and farmers who hate the busi
ness men and the employers of labor
that when all these haters are organized
into one great army there will be enough
of them to carry this election for Mr.
Bryan and for the mine owners of Colo
iuuu, iu nuurc liiitrrcst uis candidacy ex
ists.
Silver Dollars Are Legal Tender.
Many of the "plain people" of the
United States have wondered what is
meant, when it is said that Congress in
1873 struck down one-half the monev
in the country. The figure is fnrcil.l'..
hut somewhat obscure. The Denver
News comes to the rescue. It says: "Hv
the legislation of 1873 the . mints were
not only closed to silver but the silver
money of the country was demonetized;
it was deprived of its legal tender nnni;'
ty. Thus the silver money of the coun
try was struck down."
The News is in error. Section 67 -of
the act ot 1S73 contained a proviso that
"this act shall not be construed tn ff,w
any act done, right accrued, or penalty
incurred, under former acts, but every
such right is saved." This language
nreserved the legal tender quality of the
silver dollar, since' the right to pay one's
debts in silver dollars was one. of tfie
rights accrued under former acts, which
nothing contained in the act was permit
ted to destroy.
SOiVUT PERTINENT BUT
II CflNDIDflTE FOR THE PRESIDENCY.
As he comes upon the stage and as the
applause breaks forth he smiles. It
is a pleased smile properly speaking, a
grin. The grin of one to whom the
yells of "Hurra-y fur Bill" and the ap
plause of a gallery is food and drink
tnd raiment. Applause, of what kind
i; does not matter, is what the na
ture of the man thrives upon. The rec
ognition of him as a great man, a hero,
a deliverer cannot but make him smile.
He appreciates the joke.
He composes his features as he re
members what is expected of him. His
attitude at once suggests the hero of
the melodrama the "tank show. He
looks this way, then that, and then to
ward the part of his audience from
which comes the most hilarious demon
stration. He grins again, as he thinks
of his side of it. If the noise continues,
he turns to those about him and smiles
naively. But he is not afraid of it.
The eyes glow and gratification shows
in every movement, glance and action.
He Is introduced aud stands erect and
again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig
ninid acknowledgment in keeping with
the honor to which the man aspires, but
the smile of the magician to the audience
that cheers because it is mystified. He
raises a restraining band to hush .the
demonstration. The movement is grace
ful, nothing more. Like every gesture
he makes, it lacks strength. The hands
are weak, hopelessly so. If the applause
continues, he waits, posing as if for the
camera. ' He " is patient. A dignified
statesman's verv presence would com
mand silence after the first burst of ap
plause. It would not be necessary for
the great man to wait until every un
couth wit had made his joke, but this
man lacks the dignity of the position.
He plavs for the gallery, ana tne gaiicry
whistle's, stamps aud claims him for its
very own.
Tto hen-ins his address with a weil-
tnrned sentence-, which he knows will
please his audience. In fact, from first
to last, ' it is his effort by skillful re
treats never to offend. He is capable of
a fair flight in words, but at no time is
he an orator. At no time does he bring
a known fact to the notice of his hear
ers; then an argument, then one condi
tion, and still another, and then, as a
climax, as one indisputable, unanswera
ble declaration, rounded and full, guard
ed aud protected by logic, launch it forth
at his listeners. His flight of words
alleged to be oratory are made to divert
the mind from questioning his asser
tions. He soars in un outburst, the
ground work of which is as old as the
human voice, to please the ear. of his
listeners and keep their thoughts on the
wiug: These flights appeal to all that
is emotional. They are seldom original;
they express no new thoughts, and they
bear his trade mark. He makes asser
tions while the audience is under the in
fluence of his heroics. He pours forth
what he thinks, and declares it to be
true, but when the time arrives in the
course of his "remarks when the facts to
back his assertions should be heard,
behold another flight in Fourth of July
fireworks. ...
. Labor applauds itselt. ana mis man
knows it. lie recognizes that "sacrifice."
"crucified." "down-trodden." "the peo
ple," "sweat of the face." and similar
words and phrases arouse in the ordinary
audience an imperative desire to applaud.
For logic he uses heroics, for argument
words used by truly great men, but
which no more apply to his subjest than
to the crucifixion.
He compares himself to the Man or
Galliee without a blush.
He defies facts as Ajax did the light
ning. He declares that something can be got
out of nothing: that a miner will be able
to get 53 cents' worth of metal coined in
to $1 and in the same breath insists that
the miner will sell that metal to anyone
who will buy it for 53 cents and give the
bnver the chance to make that profit
instead of himself. Why the miner will
sell at 53 cents and lose the coined profit,
he expluins by a highly colored account
of a "crime" which has nailed "labor to
a cross of gold."
He refuses to believe that captital is of
any use except to starve and grind down
mankind.
Insinuations, that every man should
have more than enough in spite of his'
dibits, his drunkenness or his improvi
dence, he lavishes upon his hearers.
Declarations, that a country is all
wrong which gives every man who" will
work with head and bands a chance to
be above those who will not, he belches
forth in torrents.
"My friends." he says, nnd advises
those to whom he applies the term as a
sane man would hesitate to advise his
worst enemy.
He distributes chaff, coolly predicts a
panic, quotes the words of Christ as
glibly as the rowdy uses his name, and
having directed the eyes of his hearers
upon a bubble which floats pleasingly
about, he says: "I thank you."
Paul Armstrong.
In all parts of the country women have
organized campaign committees, working
under the direction of the Woman's bu
reau of the national Reoublican commit
tee. They distribute literature and use
their personal influence with husbands,
brothers and other relatives to secure
their votes for the good cause, paying
especial attention to first voters.
RATHER . EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN.
9 0''e " ' '1W-68
J ft wilt fce worth. 2.9
Ru.t 6
FwrnifrS: " Sv .
ft i It
IVhs tiets
A
Effects of Industrial Depression in
Cities Brought Home n
a Practical Way
STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER.
Decrease in the Consumption of Food
by Laborers Affects the Sale
of Farm Products.
A stock-feeder of Kansas, recently in
Kansas City, tells a story that is worth
repeating for the excellent lesson which
it teaches. In a certain town was a
creamery. It gathered the cream from
the farms within a radius of ten miles
and manufactured about 400 pounds of
butter per day. Beyond the limits of
this circle from which eream was gath
ered -there were a number of farmers
who desired to sell cream, but were not
able to do so because the wagons from
the. creamery did not reach their farms.
One day a "delegation of these farmers
called at the office of the creamery to
consult the manager with reference to
the enlargement of its business so as to
include them and their neighbors. They
explained to the. manager that by send
ing his teams a few miles farther in
all directions he would double' the quan
tity of cream gathered,donble the amount
of" butter produced nnd consequently
double the profits of the creamery. The
farmers were disappointed when they
saw by the look on the manager's face
that their proposition was not favorably
received. There had been a great deal
of gossip among the farmer patrons of
the creamery that the price paid for
cream was too low and that the profits
of the concern were larger than they
ought to be, and now these farmers
could not understand why a business
which was makim? exorbitant profits
should not be willing to enlarge itself, to
double its output and consequently to
double its profits.
The manager explained that to enlarge
the circle of their farmer patrons would
require an additional number of men
and teams to gather the cream, would
require additional machinery and an en
larged plant with more, buttermakers
and other operatives, all of which
meant an additional investment of
money in which he did not feel justified
at this time.
He explained that the price of butter
was low, that thousands of laboring men
in the cities beiug out of employment
were not eating butter, but were buying
oleomargarine and other cheap imita
tions of butter, and because ot ail tnese
discouraging circumstances he was unable
to consider a proposition to enlarge the
business of the creamery. . The manager
went on to explain that a creamery in
Kansas. Nebraska or Iowa depended
upon the big cities for its customers.
In small towns many of the people keep
cows of their own. but in the big cities
such as Denver. Kansas City, Omaha.
St. Louis. St. Paul, Minneapolis and
Chicago, where thousands of laboring
men are gathered, the farmers find
their best customers not only for dairy
products but all the other food products
of the farm. The families of these la
boring men are extravagant eaters and
extravagant buyers of farm products
when they have the money to buy with.
When the laboring men in these cities
are employed they consume vast quanti
ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal, beef and
poultry. The thousands of creameries
in Kansas. Iowa and Nebraska had
more orders for their product than they
could supply before the Democratic
panic' stouped the industries in the cities
and threw the laboring men out of work.
In the last -two years the demand for
food products have been less and less,
showing that the families of the laboring
men in the cities are growing more and
more economical in their consumption of
food. In a long conversation with the
manager of the creamery, these farmers
gathered the idea, as they had never
understood it before, that the food-pro-dncing
farm is dependent Usn the food
consuming city for its market and that
the price of food and the demand for it
denends upon the employment at good
wages of the laboring people of the
cities. This much the farmers had al
ready understood in a general way, but
they" had never stopped to realize the far
more important truth, that the manage
ment of these great laboring employing
industries devolves entirely upon the
trained bnsiuess minds of the heads of
these industries whom the Popocratic or
ators now denounce as plutocrats, and
enemies- of the common people. It- is
very fine sport for eloquent office-seeking
politicians to denounce the men who
manage the labor industries, to call them
"plutocrats," "goldbugs-." "robbers," "op
pressors" and other offensive names, but
after all these eloquent speeches have
been delivered and after all this' mis
chievous talk has had its effect
etnU pcrOtMKC
Cents hUuinc rt j9.r eU ..
- M m
Ct
BUI I
. t
Btat air beofiT J
Chicago Tribune, August JH.
upon the farmer mind, the truth,
the great truth, still remains that
the mind of the business man must origin
ate all the plans for the employment of
idle labor, and whether these industries
are little by little enlarged each year, em
ploying more aud more men, or whether
they are little by little narrowed each
year, employing less and less men. de-
Knds, not upon the judgment or the po
ical views of the men employed, but
upon the judgment of the men who em
ploy. When the farmers in the country
and the laborers in the city suffer them
selves to be led into some great national
movement which the business mind be
lieves is dangerous, then this business
mind, in order to protect the interests over
which it presides, begins the process of
narrowing its operations to suit the new
conditio::.
A fai'"i"r mny believe in free coinage
and a la.oring man mny believe in free
coinage, but if the business mind of the
country on which both the farmer and
the laboring man is dependent is afraid of
free coinnge. then the threat of free
coinage, instead of breathing new life in
to industry, strikes it with the paralysis
of death.
Every earnest thinking mnn in this
country at this time, whether he Iks a
farmer or a laborer. ' above all things,
above all party or personal preferences,
desires to see the industries of the nation
revived, because labor can find employ
ment aud farm produce find a market in
no other way.
When all the arguments have been ex
hausted on both sides, the whole ques
tion narrows into this proposition, that
activity in industry is dependent upon
the confidence the business men have in
the financial and tariff policy of the na
tional government Fnrmers may have
confidence in some untried and catchy
proposition, and the laboring man may
have confidence and even be enthusias
tic, but if the mind of the business man
hesitates then industry languishes. A
thousand laboring men may stand ready
to go to work in a factory. And the
farmers may stand ready to provide
these laboring men with food, but if the
managers of the factory are afraid to
start it, then it will not start. It may
appear to these thousand laborers and
to these farmers that the managers of
the factory are unreasonable, and hat
they have more power in the nation than
they ought to have, but the truth will
remain forever, that mind, and not ma
jorities, is the controlling force upon
which the industry of the nation depends
and that the judgment of one trained
business mind is worth' more to a "om
munity than the iudcrment of mnnv m.n
who work with their muscles on the
JONES' SILVKB SUNK.
The present interest in anything relat-
iiik iu Biivcr recalls dames Kussell Low
ell's witty rhymes of twenty years ago
A DIALOGTTR
"Jones owns a silver mine" "Pray h
Is Jones? 7 WDO
Don"t vex uiy ears with horrors like Jones
Why. Jones Is Senator, and so he strives
To make us huy his Ingots all our lives
At a stiff premium on the market price
A silver c-nrreucv wonlil h '
,- V. .. . T .
piun a coinage, to be
ro rltM n(1 fa
witn wall ifrwe.
MMlnr. - L"
YU shrinks' treat tbe CrWd; y0ur dolIar
Kndldr!Iuks erceDtams whe they mix the
"Jones' miners quicksilver, then V "Your
.... i pass.
His coin's mercurial, bnt his mine Is brasi
-"Again! your iteration's
Than the slow torture of an Hhn.
tl 7ou one tbln Jone wn't own-
That the cat hid beneath the meal Is his."
Cleveland World.
He is Mistaken.
In his speech at Springfield. O., on
W ednesday. Candidate Bryan spoke of
the nations peasantry." There are
no peasants in this country, and the
iuou uu uuenipis io make such a class
im-auou is un wormy tne support of
iht auimuio sovereigns. Every
man is a prince and no man is a peas
ant. With the ballot in his hand, the
voter ranks with Vanderbilt. The rich
man of today may be the poor man to
morrow, and he who is not endowed
with wealth at this moment may be a
millionaire before the close of a dec-
?u ' TT-h'j rTayinF of the People of
the United States into classes is the
most pernicious thing that has ever been
attempted in this country, and the
demagogues who are engaged in the un
righteous attempt deserve the contempt
into which they are sure to fall.
Remember This.
When Bourfce Cockran, in his recent
great speech in New York, nttered the
following sentence, he uttered a sentence
which should be posted over the door of
every honest laboring man, whether Re
publican or Democrat, in this country:
"I can take a $10 gold piece and defy all
the power of all the governments of this
earth to take 5 cents' value from it.
I can go to the uttermost ends of the
earth, and wherever I present it, its
value will be unquestioned, unchallenged.
That gold dollar the honest masses of
this country, without distinction of party
divisions, demand shall be paid the la
borer when he earns it, and no power
on earth shall cheat him out of the
sweat of his brow." Galeiburg Evening
MaU.
WOMAN'S WORK IN THE CAMPAIGN.
Never was there before a presidential
campaign in which the women of the
country have taken such an active part
as in the present struggle.
In three states of the Union. Wyo
ming, Colorado and Utah, women hay
the same voting privileges as men; bat
feminine interests in the campaign are
by no means limited to those states..
Intelligent women all over the country
seem to feel that the contest has an im
portant bearing npon the welfare of their
households. They think that the cause
of protection and sound money is bound
up with the prosperity of the family,
and they feel a great interest in the Re
publican presidential candidate, because
of the nobility of his character and hi
devotion to his home life.
The Woman's Dureau is under the di
rection of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the well
known orator and political writer of Des
Moines, la., for several years president
of the Woman's National Republican as
sociation. The bureau is established in
commodious quarters in the Auditorinm
Annex, Chicago, quite away from the
noise and activities of the national com
mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided
with every convenience, and assisted hf
capable aids.
The Woman's Republican association
is composed of thinking, active women
women intensely aliv to the beat, inter
ests of their country aud homes. The
Woman's association is not a suffrage
association. Many of its members de
not believe in suffrage at all. It is not
a moral reform association, although
many of its members are engaged in the
philanthropies and reforms which illu
mine this decade of our national history.
They do not seek to utilize the Repub
lican association to advance any of these
reforms. Its members are simply, end
all the time. Republicans, laboring for
the support of the principles of that
party and for the election of its candi
dates. Mrs. Foster's immediate associate"
and assistants in the work are women
of capabilities in various lines. Mrs.
Thomas W. Chace, the general secre
tary, resides in East Greenwich. R. I.,
and from there exercises a watchful
care for the work in the New England
states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac
quaintance and is identified with many
great charities, philanthropies and soci
eties, aside from her political duties.
The national treasurer. Miss Helen Var
wick Boswell of New York city, has su
pervision over the headquarters of her
state, located at 1473 Broadway. Mine
Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per
sonal visits among the women in the
tenement districts of New York, for the
purpose of showing the women the mean
ing of the free coinage of Bilver and how
it will affect the purchasing power ef
their dollars. She finds these women
with well-defined views on the currency
question and ready to defend them,
they do in insisting that the voters in
their families shall maintain them et
the polls. Miss Boswell has enlisted
large number of young bnsiuess women
to help spread the doctrines of sound
money and protection and to help secure
votes for the Republican candidates.
In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fos
ter's chief assistant and secretary is Mrs.
Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide
experience in general business and news-
f taper work in thja country and in Eng
and. Next to her comes Miss Anna,
Btophy of Dubuque, Ia. Miss Brophy,
Is not only valuable for her education
and wide general knowledge, but became
every piece of work which passes
through her hands receives her critical
attention as to its correctness, its ac
curacy. Miss Brophy -is chief stenog
rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mrs.
Foster after opening her headquarters,
was to issue an appeal to the patriotic -women
of the country, urging them te
organize committees or clubs for study
of the issues of the campaign, and to
help promote the cause of national unity
and protection. The responses have been
most gratifying, coming as they have
from Oregon to New Jersey. These
women are directed in their work of or
ganizing and advised how to make their
efforts effective. The weapons of the
women are personal appeal and litera
ture. These are used to convince the
women that their own personal welfare,
including tbe interests of children and eC
the home, are on tbe side of the Repub
lican party. This conviction assured
little. doubt remains as to how the vote
influenced by these women will be cast.
. , , v
thuu anil Pp fti liraw T""- '
During the many weary months after
the Wilson-Gorman tariff had given the
death blow to the wool industry free
trade journals assured their readers thst
the blow would not be fatal. In time the
industry would revive. Considerable pru
dence was manifested as to dates, but the
prediction was ' confident that in the
course of tin the industry would re
cover from paralysis. The Philadel
phia Record was one of tbe most san
guine of these free traders.' That journal
simply knew that ita theories could not
be wrong. Free wool must and would
enable our manufacturers to recover the
home market for woolen goods and grad
ually get a good hold on the markets
of the world. In a recent issue the Rec
ord threw up the sponge. It admits that
free wool is not strong enough to carry
free silver. The confidence with whicn
1 aiixiuiiiea uiv lauim ui iui iree wow
theory to some other person's free silver
theory would, if transferred to the money
market, revive business even in these free
trade times. Says the Record:
"The distrust engendered by the sil
ver erase has checked sales of manu
factured goods. Increased the percent
age of idle mills and so narrowed the
outlet and crippled the financial re
sources of Eastern distributors of wool
that the latter have practically ceased '
purchases of the staple -in the country
markets, and in many cases have re
fused to make even reduced cash ad
vances on consignments."
The silver craze dud not materialise
Until free wool had had nearly three
years in which tn show what it could
do. During all that time the wool in
dustry went from bad to worse. Now
the people are asked to believe that
free silver did all the mischief. St. Jo
seph (MoO Herald.
Give It to t-he Indians.
"Let us res lore the conditions that ex
isted prior to 1873." says Mr. Teller.
Very well; let us tear up all the rail
roads that have been built shier then;
let us reduce the acreage of wheat and
corn aud cotton to what it was then: let
mi send back to barbarism those parts ef
the world that have since been reclaimed
to civilization: let us plug op the Rus
sian oil wells and destroy the wheat
fields of India and tbe Argentine? let us
smooth over the hills of Leadvijle and
Cripple Creek, and fill up tbe mines, and
reduce the production ef silver from '
$170,000,000 a year to $00,000,000: let
us kill off about 30,000.000 of our people,
so as to make the population what it was
tn 1873: let its bare a paper basis for our
money, as we bad then, and cold at a
premium of 15 cents or more on the dot-
laT TO booti. ret us vrj io turn tiac ram
hand en time's dial, and make everybody
as happy and wealthy as all tbe people
are now alleged to bare been before
1873, Colorado Springs Gazette.
FIVE.