April 192C
Abraham Lincoln
(Continued from Page Four.)
leging that in order to meet his oppo
nent he would have to pass through the
enemy’s country — as he called the
northern states — and in the then ex
cited state of public feeling he was un
willing to expose himself to popular
violence.
The repeal of the Missouri Compro
mise bill, in 1854, and the enactment of
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, had brought
the slavery question sharply before the
people of the North. While Senator
Douglas was not avowedly in favor of
slavery, he threw himself on the side
of popular or squatter sovereignty. This
was to give the people of a territory,
when it applied for admission into the
Union, the privilege of deciding for
themselves, by vote, whether slavery
should exist in the state or not. Lincoln
had already placed himself on record,
in his great speech before the Republi
can convention in Chicago, in June,
1858, when he discussed the principle of
Squatter Sovereignty. He gave the key
note of the discussion with the follow
ing almost prophetic opening. He said:
“If we could first know where we are,
and whither we are tending, we could
better judge what to do and how to do
it. We are now far into the fifth year
since a policy was inaugurated with the
avowed object, and confident promise, of
putting an end to slavery agitation. (Mr.
Lincoln here alluded to the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, and the enactment
of the Kansas-Nebraska bill.) But un
der the operation of that policy the agi
tation has not only not ceased, but has
constantly augmented. In my opinion
it will not cease until a crisis shall have
been reached and passed.”
It had been agreed between the Demo
cratic and the Republican State Central
Committees of Illinois that Lincoln and
Douglas should be opposing candidates
for the United States Senate, and a
series of discussions at seven different
THE UNITED AMERICAN
points in the state were arranged. In
that memorable discussion Squatter
Sovereignty as implied in the Kansas-
Nebraska bill, and the Dred Scott decis
ion by the United States Supreme
Court, were the chief points. Of course,
as we look on it now, Lincoln had the
best of the argument. But at that time
the people were not prepared for it, and
there was great diversity of opinion. The
Democrats, almost to a man, believed
in Squatter Sovereignty. But Lincoln
quoted from Scripture, “A house divided
against itself cannot stand.” In the
course of his argument he said that he
believed that this government could not
endure permanently half slave and half
free; that he did not expect the Union
to be dissolved; that he did not expect
the house to fall, but that he did ex
pect thát it would cease to be divided.
He said it would become all one thing or
all the other. Either the opponents of
slavery would arrest the spread of it,
and place it where the public mind should
rest in the belief that it is in the
course of ultimate extinction, or its ad
vocates would push it forward till it
should become lawful alike in all the
states, old as well as new, North as
well as South.
It was during this discussion that
Lincoln forced Douglas to make declara
tions as to his position on the slavery
question which rendered the disruption
of the Democratic party inevitable, and
robbed Douglar of the Democratic
nomination for President in 1860. The
specific question he forced Douglas to
answer was: “Can the people of a United
States territory, in any lawful way,
against the wisdom of any citizen of the
United States, exclude slavery from
its limits prior to the formation of a
State Constitution?” Douglas replied:
It matters not what way the Supreme
Court may hereafter decide as to the
abstract question whether slavery may or
may not go into a territory under the
Constitution, but the people have the
lawful means to introduce it or exclude
Page Thirteen
it as they please for the reason that
slavery cannot exist a day or an hour
anywhere unless it is supported by local
police regulations. These police regu
lations can only be established by the
local legislature, and if the people are
opposed to slavery they will elect repre
sentatives to that body who will, by
unfriendly legislation, effectually pre
vent the introduction of it into their
midst.” This illogical answer of Doug
las proved his own political death
warrant. It enabled Lincoln to say that
“Judge Douglas claims that a thing may
be lawfully driven from where it has
a lawful right to ¡be.” While it won to
Douglas in the Senatorial fight the
votes of Democrats opposed to slavery,
in other states “police regulation” and
“unfriendly legislation” became catch
phrases which were used to defeat him.
It was my good fortune to be present
at one of these discussions between
Lincoln and Douglas at Freeport, Illi
nois, in 1858. The railroad accommoda
tions at that time were poor compared
with those of the present, but the people
gathered by thousands from all parts of
the country within a radius of fifty miles.
Meetings were held in advance by
each party at every hamlet and cross
roads in order to awaken adherents to
the importance of being present to en
courage and support its champions.
Great delegations were organized which
rallied at convenient points, and formed
into processions of men and women on
horse-back and in wagons and carriages,
With few of the latter, however, as they
were not as common in those days as they
are now. They usually started the
night before, and headed by bands of
music with flags and banners, and with
hats and handkerchiefs waving, pro
ceeded to the place of meeting. Many
of these processions were more than a
mile in length. As they marched the
air was rent with cheers — in the Re
publican procession for “Honest Old
Abe” and in the Democratic for the
“Little Giant.” The sentiments painted
RE-ELECT CRUMPACKER
“THE OREGONIAN” of April 29th says editorially:
“In the third district Mr. Crumpacker has shown
in his first term a marked adaptability to the work of
representative and has been active and successful in
the promotion and the protection of the interests of his
district. The Oregonian sees no reason why he should
not be re-nominated and re-elected.”
“THE PORTLAND NEWS” of April 27th says
editorially:
“You see, Crumpacker works, even when he is
playing. He has introduced 26 bills and seven of them
have passed. Five more will likely pass this session.
Seven have received unfavorable reports from depart
ments and will not pass.”
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“COLLIER’S WEEKLY” says of him:
'It usually takes four or five years for anyone to
know that a new congressman has arrived in Washing
ton. “Stub” Crumpacker arrived in Washington the
first Monday in December and is already the boon
companion of the men who run the house.”
Mr. Crumpacker is a member of the important
Rivers and Harbors Committee where he can and will
protect Portland’s interests in the Longview bridge
controversy.
Service men know that in him they have a friend
in Washington who can and will work for their in
terests. Mr. Crumpacker’s was the most potent in
fluence in getting a veterans hospital for Portland. He
was the co-author of the Oregon soldier’s bonus law.
CRUMPACKER IS GIVING GOOD SERVICE.
KEEP HIM IN CONGRESS
Vote 21 X Crumpacker Republican for Congress
Paid Adv.
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