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THE OREGON SUNDAY JOURNAL. PORTLAND. SUNDAY MOKW1NO, DKCEUBXRWkOL
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I ' ... T.:, uTll-- Ly M - - ' - .-H..! 1 1 " i ' r.--1" "AZUl3lr "ftrr SPi1Cj 'If I " u'ii ' ' 7 1' j win in a if wi'V"!-1 1 iijil
IK reeponee to the request of the Out
look I eubmlt the following sug
geatlona In regard to the lec
tion and Its lnflusp.ce upon the
future of the Democratic party.
It l Impossible to say Jst In
what proportion a number of1"
i.ikMi..i to the overwhelming vic
tory recently recorded m favor of the
,rii.k nartv. or. more accurately
peaking, against the Democratic party,
for the return will Show that tha fall
m me Democratic vote was not
entirely of feet by Republican gains. A
multitude of opinions have been ex
pressed In regard to the election and Its
political effect. Some "r'bu'
It to Mr Roosevelt's popularity, but this
hardly accounts for W. because men In
public life are rsvorea or iw
cause of what they stand for rather than
because of personal characteristics.
As both candidates stood for the gold
standard, the result cannot b construed
as a victory for gold. As Judge Parker
announced In his first speech that It
would be almost If not quite Impossible
to reform the tariff during his adminis
tration because of the large Republican
majority In the senate, the result cannot
Is regarded as a vindication of the Re
publican position on the tariff question.
The trust -Issue wss not presented with
sufficient deftnltenea by either side to
make the election a deliberate decision
of the people on the trust question.
Neither can the result be regarded as a
specific declaration for or against reme
dial leglslstlon upon the labor question.
Judge Parker did not emphasise the
tabor question end Mr. Roosevelt did not
rsfer to It. The fact that Mr. Doug
las was elected governor In Massscru
setts by the aid of the labor vote, and
the further fact that Governor Pea body
. MMint In Cnliirado by Hie same
Influence, while both states went ne
publlcsn on the national ticket, would
Indicate that the labor vote Inclined
toward President Roosevelt. If It showed
any trend In either direction. While the
Democrats endeavored to lay emphasis
upon the Imperlsllstlc policy of the Re
Mbllcan party, the Republicans refused
to meat the Issue, and the president,
instead of outlining a polcy and defend
im it declared that no promise of any
kind could be given at this time. It
would be unfslr, therefore, to regard the
election as a definite declaration of
policy on the Philippine question.
The roily of Compromise.
While it would be difficult to regard
the election as a vindication of any par
ticular policy of the Republican party,
or of any definite principle advocated by
it. the returns did show most conclu
sively the folly of trying to run a Demo
cratic campaign on compromises and
concessions. While the election may
not show the president what the people
want him to do. It does show the Demo
cratic party what It ought not to do.
For the past eight yeara the Democratic
needle has been to a greater or leaa ex
tant deflected from the fixed principle
"equal rights to all and special privi
leges to none" that ought to guide It.
by the Influence of what la called tha
fconaervatlve element of the party. As
Man as the result of the election in li
was known, the Democrats who were re
sponslble for tha party's defeat imme
diately began to give it advice. Those
?wto had themselves; vated for Palmer'
aid Buckner (who polled about 130,000
votes In tha nation i began to ten the
Democratic party how ta win. They de
sired to so modify the Democratic plat
farm as to eliminate what they called
"radicalism" and "populism." As the
convention of 1900 spproached. It be
came evident that the organisers were
not so strong among the' voters as they
were in the newspapers. They failed to
control the Kansas City convention. A
second national defeat. however,
strengthened the reorganising element,
and, by appealing to the office-hunger of
some and to the fears of others. It suc
ceeded in controlling the 8t. Louis con
vention. The campaign of 104 was con
ducted on "conservative" line. The
Democratic candidate announced his ad
herence to the gold standard (although
the platform did not refer to the money
question at all), and until nearly tha
close of the campaign the only vigorous
attack made against the Republicans was
against the policy of Imperialism. Just
before the election Judge Parker charged
that the Republican committee waa
drawing Its sinews of war from the
treasuries of the trusts, but the Large
came too late to have much influence
upon the election. When the vote was
counted. It wss found that the Demo
crats of the nation did not Indorse the
conservative plsn of campaign. Not
only in the western and middle states,
bat even In the east the Democratic vote
waa smaller thsn It was in 1000. As
the so-called conservsttve Democrats
have relied upon the promise of victory
rather than upon any well-defined politi
cal principles, the overwhelming defeat
answers their only argument and leaves
the Democratic party free to take up
the work of reform. While those who
supported tha Democratic ticket regard
the defeat as an Injury to the nation,
still tha radical Democrats realise that
so signal a reverse removes the tempta
tion that has for eight years embar
rassed the party and made Its course
uncertain. The party can now formu
late a complete and consistent plan of
campaign against the spirit of plutoc
racy which runs through the policies of
the Republican party.
The Moral Rases of Public Questions.
The Democratic party Is now In a
position to consider the moral Issues
presented by pending problems, and In
the presentation of the moral phasee of
public questions Is the strength of tho
Democratic position today. Every great
political question has sn economic bear
ins;, and every economic question Is at
foundation a moral .question. The line
between right and wrong runs through
very problem of government, and the
final decision of the problem Is along
this line. No proposition la better sup
ported by history than that "righteous
ness exalteth a nation." and It Is ss true
of a party as It Is of a nation. In fact,
no on can form an accurate Judgment
upon the individual man or upon groups
of men who does not accept ss his major
premise that truth rests upon Justice,
and Is omnipotent. Just In so far as an
Individual fallows this doctrine he suc
ceeds; there Is no other true measure of
success. In proportion as he departs
from thts doctrine he falls. For a time
ha seams to prosper, his prosperity Is
only apparent, for no amount of wealth
or honor can compensate for the doing
of an Injustice, snd history desls with
men. with psrtles, and with nations, ac
cording (a one inexorable law "Tha
rages of sin Is death."
If I ware going to coin a new proverb
to fit this case. If would run like this:
'nvy not the prosperity of the evil doer,
it cannot laat." Aa wall envy tha suc
cess of the horsethlef after be has come
Into possession of s stolen horse, and
before the transgressor Is overtaken by
the officers of UM law. aa to envy a man.
a party, or a nation after a temporary
triumph, and before IHgautabWi. Jaw baa
had time to operste.
When Injustice la done by a large
frottp er'by Indirection. It la more dlf
Icull to trace the responsibility, and
nt may be more slow, but the
penalty Is no less sure. The man who
tranagreasss the laws of nature may es
cape punishment for a year or for a
decade, but the relation between cause
and effect, however extended, is not
broken. In the case of a nation a cen
tury may elapse between the sowing of
the wind and the reaping of the whirl
wind, but the one follows the other.
Justice and Taxation.
The problems which confront the na
tion today Involve moral questions, snd
the welfare of the nation depends upon
their Just solution. The subject of tax
ation IS an ever-present one. Many opin
ions may he expressed as to the amount
of taxes to be raised, and as to the
manner and proportion In which they
shall ha collected, but no one will dlf
nutc the proposition that unnecessary
taxation Is unjust taxation, nor will any
one attempt to defend a distribution ot
taxes when that dtatrlbution Is con
fessedly unjust. The only questions,
then, open for consideration are How
much taxation Is necesary? and. What
system or systems nearest approach Jus
tice? The Republican party Is more Inclined
to extravagance In appropriations than
the Democratic party, and two reasons
may be suggested for thjs. First, the
Republican party contains more rich
men than the Democratic party, and as
the rich spend money more freely than
the poor, they naturally do not iold
their public aervanta to aa atrlct an ac
countability aa the Democrata do. In
the second place, tha Republicans hsve for
a generation taught the hereey that
tariff taxation confer a benefit upon
t$i country In addition to tha fenronue
that It brings. When a man is thor
oughly Imbued with the Idea that a tax
la a blessing, he la apt, when In office,
to enlarge the blessing, specially if he
belongs to the claaa known aa the "tax
awe I ng" claaa rather than to tha tax
paying claaa.
The federal revenuea today are de
rived almoat entirely from taxes upon
consumption, and such taxes always
bear heaviest upon the poor and lightest
upon the rich. Under taxss on con
sumption men contribute, not In propor
tion to property or income, but In pro
portion to whst they eat, drink, wear
and use. In other words, taxes on con
sumption sre taxes upon our needs, and
men's needs, being created by tha Al
mighty, are much more nearly equal
"than their possessions. ,Tariff taxes be
ing collected Indirectly, the amount of
the tax Is concealed. A less amount of
injustice dona under direct taxation
would arouae much more resentment and
realstance than a much larger injustice
done through Indirect tsxstton. It
would be a reflection upon the patriot
lam of the people to say that they would
tnot under direct taxation contribute
willingly a surricieni amount iu sup
port the government.
If tariff reform and sn Income tax are
steps toward Justloa in taxation, aa I be
lieve they are, the Democratic party
ought boldly to advocate them and take
advantage of the growth In the senti
ment which muat ultimately support
these reforms.
Tha Immorality of Truata.
Tha trust queatlon involvea a moral
principle. Viewed from a moral stand
point, what difference is there between
me trust magnate woo iw vw-
time upon the industrial bighwaya ana
the masked robber who. with more r 1st
practices larceny upon ths slds street
and the country road? The private mo
nopoly haa always been an outlaw. The
Democratic national platform haa twice
declared, "A private monopoly ie inde
fensible and Intolerable." It cannot be
defended by any argument baaed upon
history1 or human nature, and Its ex
actions will not long be willingly toler
ated by any people who believe In equal
rights and equal opportunities.
Of course opposition to the trusts in
sures opposition from the trusts; out
how can a party be Judged better than
by ths company It keeps? Trust mag
nates will not be friendly to a party that
is unfriendly to them, snd ths fact that
they support a party raises a presump
tion against that party. If they give
liberally to the campaign fund of a party
It cannot be for any other purpose thsn
to reward the party for what It has done
for them or to purchase some sdvsntage
In the future. A trust magnate may
contribute from hie own purse to ad
vance the general principles of his party,
but when he contributes from trust
funds It must bs on the theory that the
trust itself Is to be benefited, for how
otherwise could he defend the donation
of funds that belong hot to him but to
the stockholders? If the great corpora
tions help a party Into power, tha party
cannot repay the corporations except at
the expense of the public.
Aside from the economic Injustice that
the trusts are doing, they are guilty of
another Immorality In that they are cor
rupting politics snd debauching not only
the voters who sre bought, but the rep
resentatives who are led to betray their
conetltuents. The Democrstlc party
should sttsck the principle of private
monopoly whenever and wherever ap
plied. It cannot hope to succeed merely
by attacking some one trust! It must
attack them all.
Jefferson the Poe of Monopoly.
"Legislate as little as possible, and
leave the rest to ths energies of a free
people" thus spake Jefferson, and this
language la often quoted by those who
oppose legislation Intended to destroy
tha truata. Such an application of his
language, however, doee great Injustice
to Jefferson. He was the foe of mo
nopoly. So great was his opposition to
the principle of monopoly that he even
questioned whether the government
ought to grant a patent; and while he
made this sxcsptlon, he dsflnsd ths
grounds upon which the exception
stands, snd Insisted that sven thts Ex
ception ahould be carefully guarded. No
one who understands Jefferson's hostil
ity to sll kinds of special privilege
would be guilty of so using snythlng he
ever said as an argument against any
needed remedial legislation. If by legis
lation corporations are permitted to be
come so large as to endanger the public
welfare, it will not do to plead In their
behalf the restriction of legislative
power. Jefferson ws opposed to what
is sailed paternalism In government; he
did not believe thst the people ehould be
taught to depend upon the government.
hut he never questioned the right or the
duty or congress to employ Its delegated
power to the fullest extent when neces
sary for the protection of human rights
and the public welfare. In his first In
augural message a meeaage which haa
been the standing Imorratlr platform
nel-erJ. bv. o ii. .J Zr,. W "? n "d to present
preservation of the general governments?. ,-, ri. , . . . .,
In Its whole constitutional vigor, as the fh mor1 P""" of th tru,t ""
sheet-anchor of our peace at home and
safsty abroad." Ths 'whole constitu
tional vigor" of the general government
la needed .lust now to cope with the
trust queatlon. In the diecusslon If ths
principles of Jeffereon It must be re
membered that we have a very differ
ent situation to meet today from that
which confronted Jefferson. snd we
must look to the democrstlc spirit of
his teachings, not merely to the letter,
to learn what Jefferson would do today
Laws that were sufficient for the regu
lation of travel by stage are not aufff-
MR. BRYAN ON DEMOCRACY
In Its Issue of Nov. 11 the Outlook,
commenting on the election, said: "We
anticipate that with this election indi
vidualistic democracy as a political
power ends; that the democracy at the
future will be that represented by Mr.
Bryan and Mr. Watson not socialism,
but a social democracy." It le for this
reason that we have asked Mr. Bryan
to tsll our readers what are the prin
ciples of democracy, as he. understands
them. This he does in this Issue.
Mr. Bryan's style is characteristic of
the. man. It Is the si vie of one who has
thought out the problems of the hour to
a conclusion, whose conclusions ' sre
baaed not on political expediency but on
ethical principles, and who haa therefore
tha courage of his convictions, that cour
age which make, htm aa ready to avow
them after overwhelming; .defeat as In
the hour of battle and in hope of victory.
Who, for example, of his most bitter op
ponents can fall to admire the spirit
which In defeat dictates this paragraph:
"If I ware going to coin a new proverb
to fit this, case, it would run like Mils:
Envy not the , prosperity pf t he jsvll
doer. It cannot' last ' As well envy the
success of the horse thief after he , haa
come Into possession of a stolen horse,
and before the transgreasor is overtaken
by tha of flcera of the law, aa to envy a
man, a party, or a nation after a tem
porary triumph, and before Immutable
law has had time to operate."
There is no misunderstanding Mr.
Bryan, lie doea not guard his affirma
tions with so many qualifications that
no -man can guess what he really affirms,
nor lsave loopholes for retreat In case
his doctrines fall to find adherents, nor
use words lii s double sense, nor employ
them to obscure his meaning, nor put on
a semblance of wledom and morality by
Indulgence In general platitudes He is
clear, definite, peattlve, concrete. The
Intelligent and honest reader can easily
understand his meaning. Whether he
will be' the Democratic candidate in
dent for the regulation of travel by rail ;
but the same spirit that would prompt
legislation to protect paassngers then
would prompt the protection of passen
gers today, Just as the spirit .that would
prohibit the beating of a man with a
club would, after the introduction of
firearms, prohibit ths injury of a man
with powder and ball. If the defendere
of the trusts are so anxious to obey ths
injunction of Jefferson, let them begin
by refusing to grant to corporations
charters that permit the exploitation of
the public. It la absurd to Invoke Jef
ferson's advice against rest raining leg
islation after having disregarded It In
the creation of corporations.
Tha Position of Parties as to Monopolies.
The Republican party by ita defenae
of the principle of private monopoly la
hastening the consideration of the Issue
presented by Socialism. The Democrats
declare that all private monopollea are
bad, and favor auch legislation as will
restore the reign ot competition. When
Republicans assert, aa aome do, that a
private monopoly la the natural out
growth of our economic development
!. thev declaro th.t monODolles are
ttenwricisil and helpful, they go more
tna nalf.wa toward soclellem. Th.
Socialist carries ths argument a little
farther and insists thst the advantage
of monopoly should accrue to the public
and not to a few men. Republicans
havs been in the habit of denouncing
the Democrats or Socialists, and yet the
Republicans themselves have done more
to strengthen the Socialistic position
than the Democrata have. It Is the fail
ure of the party "in power to protect the
public from the great consolidations of
money that haa given an Impetus to So
cialistic doctrines. The Democrats draw
the line between what are called nat
ural monopolies and ordinary industries.
A city water plant, for instance. Is a nat
ural monopoly, because It la Impossible
to have a number of competing water
systems. The same la true of lighting
planta and other municipal enterprlaea.
Competition Is practically imposslbls In
such cases, and the Democrats, as -a
rule and the rule Is becoming more snd
more nearly universal favor municipal
ownership and operation of these plants.
Ths Democrats favor municipal owner
ship, not because the principle of com
petition Is bad. but because competition
in the case of municipal plants is Impos
sible. The Republicans, on the con
trary, are now insisting that compe
tition among great Industries Is a harm
ful thing and that these Industries are
Justified In combining to suspend com
petition, although it la well known that
the corporations and not the public reap
the benefit that comes from controlling
the market. The consolidation of the
great lines of railroad Inevitably tends
to force upon the public the question
whether the railroads shall be controlled
by the public in their own Interest, or
controlled by ths ratlrosd magnates for
ths exploitation of the, people. No one
at all familiar with public affairs can
doubt that the private ownerehlp of rail
roads will cease aa soon aa the monopo
listic plana of the railroad monopolists
are realised, and yet the Republican
party Is doing nothing to prevent the
watering of stock, the creation of ficti
tious capitalisation, and the consolida
tion of ths railroads. If the merger
case Is cited as an evidence of the In
tention of the Republican party to pre
vent the consolidation of railroads. It
must be remembered that the case was
decided by a majority of one, and that
the Juatlce who east the deciding vote
rested his decision upon arguments that
may not apply to the next case; snd It
must also be remembered that the lead
ing Republican papera have advocated
auch an amendment to the Sherman antl
trust law aa will legalise the very thing
which the merger decision Mas tempo
rarily restrained. The Juatlce appointed
by Prealdent Roosevelt dissented from
the opinion rendered by the majority.
The trusts, which havs been given un
bridled licence, ere much more danger
ous than the railroad merger. The peo
ple have It In their power to regulate
railroad rates, although their efforts
have several times been nullified by th
supreme court; but the lnduetrlsl combi
nations are subject to no regulation
whatever, and are violating the anti
trust law with Impunity.
The Democratic party, no longer un
der the Influence of corporate wealth
and no longer eubject te the dictation of
those who would conciliate the preda
tory classes. Is In position to make this
Tha Lbor question la Politics.
The tabor question presents pre-eml-nently
a moral Issue. The relation be
tween employer and employe le becom
ing more and more etralned. and the
gulf which separates them seems to be
ever widening. Ths Industrial situation
cannot be viewed with unconcern, and
the Republican platform suggests no
remedy. The right of the people, gctlng
as a whole, to prohibit the employment
of child labor In factories Is no longer
disputed, but ths right of the stats te
protect worklngmen from the evil ef
190, or even the Democratic leader in
the Interim. It Is too early to prophesy
But It cannot be doubted that he Is the
clearest and Ablest exponent. If not Of
opinions entertained, a. -least ot a inim
ical spirit and purpose shared, by a very
great number of American cltlsena, and
eo tha representative of a political force
which muat be reckoned with, and if
reckoned with muat be understood A
clearer statement of that spirit and pur
pose the public are not likely to bet
from any quarter for some time to come.
His paper In this Issue, on "The Future
of the Democratic Party," may fairly be
regarded aa the political platform of
what we have ventured to call "a Social
Democracy," and ws advise those pf our
readers who are Interested in the current
political' life of the, nation to cut. thts
article out and kdep it for 'reference,
unless they are accustomed to keep tha
Outlook Itself on file.
In some Important respects we heartily
agree with Mr. Bryan. We agree that
every economic question Is at foundation
a moral question, sod that the moral
conalderatlons outweigh all considera
tions of so-called expediency; that taxes
should be levied on possessions rather
than on expenditures; that a private
monopoly la Indefensible and Intoler
able; that vigorous legislative and exec
utive action la required to regulate the
trusts; that the stats haa a right and
often a duty to regulate by law houra
and conditions of labor; that there Is a
real danger of the abuse of injunctions
by the courts, especially In Industrial
controversies; and that every people, at
home and .abroad, in state, territory and
dependency, white, brown and black, la
entitled to- life, liberty, and the pursuit
Of happiness.
But In some very Important respects
we do not agree with Mr. Bryan. Wa
do not think an income tax Is either
the wisest or ths most lust method of
levying taxes on possessions for a tax
on iaduatry Is not the same aa.a tax
on property; nor that the remedy for
fects of long houra la still a matter of
controversy. Thoae who oppose auch
legislation rest their arguments upon
what they call the right of private con
tract, and they assert that the govern
ment cannot legally Interfere with a con
tract between employer and employe.
But thoae who make thla argument are
strangely blind to the fact that a con
tract to bs binding must be a free and
voluntary contract. No contract can be
properly described as free and voluntary
when one party to the contract la under
practical duress. If an employer were
to shut an employe up In prison and
starve him into signing a contract, no
court would enforce the contract. It ia
not necessary that an employe should be
In prison to be under nn effective duress.
The ties that bind the laboring man to
his family, not to speak of the necessity
for food for himself, surround him with
Invisible walls as strong as prison walls,
and often compel him to aubmlt to such
terms as the employer may dictate.
Nearly all the states have usury taws,
which Interfere with the freedom of con
tract so far aa interest la concerned.
Why? Because "the borrower Is servant
to the lender," and Is not In a position
to make a free and voluntary contract.
Even If the borrower suggests ths rate
of Interest and pleada for the money aa
a personal favor, the lender cannot col
lect mora than the legal rata. The same
arguments that are employed to defend
a usury law can be employed to defend
a law thst limits the hours or tanor.
To say that the employer can arbitrarily
dictate, terma to the employe offends
against every enlightened conscience.
The right to live, which Is Included by
the Declaration of Independence among
the Inalienable rights of man, must not
be construed merely as the right to a
bars existence. It must be construed ac
cording to the rules that are applied to
o there. It means that tha laboring man
haa a right to live and to labor under
auch conditions as will enable him to
make a reasonable uas of his ltfe, snd
also to make suitable provision for those
dependent upon him.
Injunction or Arbitration.
And this brlnga ua to the disputes
between capital and labor. How can
they be settled? Not by the capitalist
alone, because his selfishness may lead
him to take advantage of the necessities
of his employes snd exact from them
too large a proportion of ths Joint prod
uct of labor and capital. Neither can
the queetlona In dispute be left entirely
to the, employes, for they ma v be biased
in their own favor, and may Insist upon
terms which are unjust. Arbitration,
like the court of Justice, recognises ths
selfishness and the bias that are liable
to exist on both sides, and substitutes
an impartial board for the weighing of
the evidence to be preeented. It Is not
necessary that the finding of the arbitra
tion board ahould be binding upon either
party. As a rule, public opinion would
follow the finding, and public opinion
ta a very potent force In settling euch
difficulties. Ths very feet that stther
party could compel ths other to go be
fore an arbitration board would In Itself
prevent many disagreements, because
neither elde would risk arbitration un
less convinced that Its contsntion was
just.
The writ of Injunction Is now em
ployed to coerce employes Into accepting
the terms of employers. Ita purpose le
to deprive the laboring man of trial by
jury, and the Democrats havs favored,
and muat still favor, legislation which
will deprive the courts of ths power to
thus suspend Jury trial; but a permanent
arbitration board would greatly lessen
the number of strikes and thus mitigate
ths evils of government by Injunction.
Arbitration la, therefore, an urgent need.
How else can capital and tabor be
brought Into harmonloua co-operation?
Surely this Is a question that appeal to
the consclsnce of the people. Bven
more. It I a question which Involves
more distinctly and directly than any
other question the Christian doctrine of
brotherhood.
"Thou Shalt love thy neighbor as
thyself Is a platform upon which all
ought to be willing to stsnd. snd It pre
sents the only solution of the question
between those who toll snd those who
employ. It presents also a rule which
will solve all othr economic and socio
logies! questions, for there Is not an svll
now complained of that does not grow
out of the violation of thla doctrine Of
brotherly, love.
Tha Money Question.
The money question, while not so
acuts as it waa a fsw years ago. can
never be sntlrsly Ignored. 'The contro
versy between those who advocate the
gold standard and thoss who advocate
bimetallism Is not so much a contest
between two metals or between two
monetary systems as It is a contest be
tween two elements of society. Just
now we sre enjoying, unexpectedly to
all. the benefit of a largely Increased
production of gold. and. strangely
enough, the Republican party, whose
leaders denied In that we needed
any more metallic money, ia reaping the
political benefits that have followed a
DEMOCRATIC PARTY
IN DEFEAT
monopoly Is the re -establishment of
competition a more hopeful remedy Is
governmental direction snd control; nor
that the use of preventive measures. by
Injunction should be prohibited rather
that men accused of violating Injunc
tion should be given trial by Jury; nor
that the bast way to Insure liberty for
the Filipinos Is to sstl away and leave
them Independent on the contrary, their
only hope of liberty Ilea in the mainte
nance of their organic connection wUh
the United Statee. under Ita sovereignty.
And we may add that, In our Judgment,
any attempt to destroy national banks
of Issue would be against the lessons of
historic experience and disastrous to the
Industrial well-being of all classes In ths
community; any attempt to establish be
metalllsm in this country without the
co-operation of other countries would
give us a silver monometallism, ths dis
i strous effects of which would fall moet
heavily on, the wage-earners; and that
If It Is our duty to protect the llbertlea
bnd promote the economic and, Intellect
ual progress of the Filipinos abroad. It
Is no less our duty to protect the liber
ties and promote the economic and In
tellectual progress of ths African race
at home, a subject on which Mr. Bryan
Is silent.
We make these statements, not by
way of criticism or debate, for we have
not Invited Mr. Bryan to our columns
for that purpose, but by wsy of defin
ing more clearly In certain details the
differences between the principles of
Democracy as Mr. Bryan understands
them and the prlnctplea of what we may
call Modern Federalism as ws under
stand them. In our Judgment, ths po
litical Issue of the future will be one
Joined between thees two schools or
tendencies, and they are both authori
tatively Interpreted In this issue of the
Outlook Social Democracy by Mr. Will
iam J. Bryan's paper, Modern by the sec
ond inaugural of Preeldent Roosevelt, of
which we give in another place an ab
stract Interpretation.
larger circulating medium. That party
has attributed to its tariff legislation
ths blessings that have directly and
naturally followed an Increase In the
amount of money.
Bimetallism was not a new scheme
Invented as a panacea for tha hard
times; It is an old and long-established
system. Gold and silver have been In
use ss money for thousands of years.
There havs been changes In the relative
production of the precious metals more
sudden and mors Important than that
which we have recently witnessed, and
bimetallism haa survived them all.
There Is nothing In human hlatory to
Justify the fsar that all of ths gold and
all of tha silver now being produced or
likely to be produced would give a
larger volume or standard money than
the world needs. The trouble is that
the governments of ths-world are too
largely " in the control of the creditor
classes, and the creditor claaaes are
much more anxious to prevent a fall in
the purchasing power of the dollar than
they are to prevent a rise in the pur
chasing power of ths dollar. Thla so
licitude Is very natural, because tha
holders of fixed Investments profit when
dollars rise end suffer when dollars fall.
Just as ths owner of land profits when
land rlaee and suffers whsn land falls
in market price. If our government Is
In ths control of those whose sympathise
are with ths money-changar. ths money
owner, and the holder of fixed Invest
ments, sll of our financial legislation will
tend to the coneervatlon of the interests
of these classes, regardleas of the effect
of euch legislation upon the public. The
Democratic party cannot hope to make
any progress toward other reforms aa
long aa It takes the capitalistic slds of
ths money queetlon. because the men
who sre willing to allow the financiers
to run ths treasury will, by ths same
process of reasoning, permit ths trusts
OIL BOOM
(William E. Relley In Chicago Tribune.)
IT WAS a little over SO years ago
that the first natural gas well was
discovered In Delgwars county, Ind
Within ths lsst hslf dosen It played
out. Even the moat sanguine could see
nothing but darkness In the future for
the "gas belt."
There was little hope for eastern In
diana. Gradually It must drift back
Into the atmosphere from which gas
had brought It. Real estate began to
fall. Empty houses could be seen every
where. All seemed dead and lifeless.
Then came the chsngs. The entire
section was aroused from lethargy. Once
more the spirit which built was In
flamed with life. It was Oil! Oil!
OH! Men, women, children everybody
took up the cry. Speculation was rife.
Oil! Oil! The section was oil mad.
Again money began to flow Into avsry
channel. Representatives of millions of
capital began to arrive In swarms. Ho
tels were overcrowded. Worklngmen
were eagerly sought at any price. The
section was on the boom. Everything
began to move; everybody began to
work, to apend. and the gas belt waa
again alive with industry. Manufac
turera have become assured and are
making preparations to adopt oil as a'
rod Stores are opening and houses
cannot be secured for all the desirable
tenants. Real estats Is Increasing In
value by Jumps.
Thers Is little csuse for wonder that
the people of the district arc oil mad
whsn ws compsre results of ths local
field with thoae of the Klondike, where
thousand went to hasard life and for
tune for gold. The Klondike during the
first year of Ita development only sent
out a trifle over $1,000,000, yet when
this became known stream of humanity
flocked thither. Tet the light that lured
them was the glitter of only a paltry
million.
Compare this with th results of the
oil field. There Is no dsnger, no risk
of life or limb. The quality of the
cruds product found here Is surpassed
by that found in only a few localltlee
of the world. It contains proportionate
parts of all the by-products of petro
leum parraffln, gasoline, naphtha and
Illuminating oil. The Standard Otl com
pany, the only market for the product
In thla country, paya $1.01 a barrel for
ths fluid. From the local field, accord
ing to the statistic of the Standard OH.
snd no oas doubt them, over 10.000
barrels of oil are sent out of the "field"
dally. This means that over $10,000
reaches the pockets of -ths producer
daily, that $$,110,000, to be conservative,
reaches them yearly. This Is the situs
tlon at the end of th first year of the
local field's development.
So fsr there have been drilled In
Delaware county about $00 well Of
this number not 5 per cent "went dry."
All the others re producing from 10 to
20 barrels of petroleum a day. They
are pumping from the earth from $11
to control buslnsss enterprises, and turn
the employes over to the oontrol of the
employers. ,
Legislation which Increases the pur
chasing power of the dollar transfers to
the pockets of tha holdsrs of fixed ln
veetments money which belongs to the
wealth-producere, and Is merely larceny
under the form of the law. Mr. Bialne
pointed this out with great clearnees;
Mr. Carlisle, who afterwards became
secretary of the treasury, called atten
tion to It; and Mr. McKinley, In 11.
after he had been In congress and before
he became president, declared that legis
lation which made "money scarcer end
therefore dearer" also made "money the
master and all things else the servant."
The principles of monetary science
have not changed, and no amount of
delusion can change them. The Demo
cratic party cannot afford 'to alter Its
policies to suit those who will not think
upon this subject, nor can it afford tor
take thv elde of those whose sympathies
are against tha masses.
It Is natural that those who take the
aide of the financiers on the question of
metallic money ehould favor national
banks of Issue, notwithstanding the)
gross favoritism that tho government
now shows thsn). It lg slso natural
that thoaa who accept tha advice of tha
financiers should advocats an asset cur
rency, for with the payment ot the na
tional debt the national bank notes must
be retired unless some other basis lg
found for them. The conslstsncy thst ws
find In ths Individual we find also in ths
party, and thoaa who favor tho gold
standard when the dollar was rising very
consistently favor the turning ever of
the treasury department to ths banks
which are now making several millions
a year out of the generosity of the gov
ernment money. Whenever tha admin
istration gives It at a expense to the
public, and we have at leaat one re
oorded Instance In which political serv
ice waa referred to by a bank official
as a reason for the beotowmeat of such
favors upon the bank. The administra
tion has no moral tight to uss the gov
ernment money or, the government au
thority for the" pecuniary advantage of
the financiers, and It canot do so with
out trespassing upon the rights Of the
people at targe.
A Large Army and Wavy Pot Seeded.
It would carry thts article beyond the
specs assigned to It to discuss all of the
questions which are before the public
A large navy, aside from unnecessarily
Increasing the burden of taxation, men
aces the peace of the nation. Instead
of bringing security to the nation. It is
mors apt to Involve the nation in for
eign complications. Tha aams spirit
which Isads to the building of a large
navy leade to the uae of It upon alight
provocation; and thoaa who profit finan
cially by the construct ion of targe navies
and those who occupy life positions In
taking care of targe navies, recognising
their burdensomeness. will be tempted
to create use for them In order to Justify
their existence. It Is as reasonable to
expect to promote taw and order by In
creasing the number of revolvers carried
In a romunlty as It Is to expect to pro
mots international peace by rivalry In
the building of. navies. In a little vol
ume entitled "Letters Written by a
Chinese Official" the author takes the
Christian nations to task for profeeslng
a worship of the "Prince of Peace" and
at ths same time outstripping ths
heathen nations In .warlike expenditures.
How can wa lead the world toward peace
while vying with the fighting nations In
our preparations for slaughter?
All the objections that can be made
to a large navy can be made to a large
army, while many of the arguments In
favor of a large navy are entirely want
ing from the defense of a large military
establishment The fact that the stand
ing army haa been more than doubled
in the laat eight years most, sooner or
later excite an effective proteat. An
Increase of more than $10,000,006 a year
In the expense of ths military establish
ment can be justified only by urgent
necessity, and no reasons havs been ad
vanced In support of the Increase. If
the Increase Is due to a fsar of tabor
RIVALS KLONDIKE GOLD
to $$0 for some one. The life of the
ordinary oil well Is 1$ yeara, and there
are wells in ths Pennsylvania fields
which sre now pumping six and 10 bar
rels a day and have been doing eo for
the laat IS years.
It remained for the Daniel Boone Oil
company to become, like tha man whoae
name It bears, "the great pioneer." Ray
Munahower of Muncle was the organizer
of ths company. For several months
previous to June, 1908. he had "felt"
that there was oil somewhere and that
he could find it.
After weeka of toll, however, a com
pany waa formed and capitalised st $10,
000 and $1,600 worth of stock, sold. On
October 10 the drill waa sunk Into ths
ground and ths well that was to make
the eastern Indiana field was begun.
Up to this time the few wells that
were operating In thla field had found
the "oil sand" about 1,000 feet below
the surface. This was where the "pool"
was generally supposed to be. If you
drilled to that point and failed to get
oil you had a dry well, and must begin
anew or quit.
When the old driller whom the Daniel
Boone engaged struck this sand there
was not the remotest sign of oil. Hs
had a "dry hole." He putted up hla
drills, cams back to M uncle, and ad
vised the directors to quit. The direc
tors told him to go back and drill aome
more. And back he went, with a sym-.
psthlslng grin on his face for ths mis
guided one who wouldn't tske advice.
The digger drilled for a few more
days, but after going down 100 feet far
ther he decided the' directors of the com
pany were cragy, and "that there wae
no use."
"I ain't a-goln to drill no more," he
announced to them. "You could drill
to China and you couldn't find oil In
that spot."
The dlrectdrs were almost discour
aged. The "oiler" spoke like one who
knew, and It seemsd aa If ths caae was
hopeless. They decided, however, to try
again, and the man was persuaded to
drill 100 feet more. When this hundred
feet waa completed the director were
on the field, but there was no sign of
oU.
"Drill another day," aatd one of the
company, "and we will release you "
Out of pity ths driller consented to
work another day. That night he burst
into a meeting (presumsbly the last)
of the company. He held up a smsll
bottle of brownish substance snd with
a voice cltoksd with emotion he an
nounced that hs "had got It."
"It's good," he said. "Th pipes are
filled and you'll get 110 barrels ths first
day.-"
It waa oil. The digger hed struck the
eend st $$7 fset below "first pay."
The next morning the directors, ac
companied by a "shooter." went to the
scene The "go devil 1 was dropped end
the next Instant a stream of oil 7$ feet
high shot from ths wsll and "deep pay"
troubles, the question at once arises:
Why not deal with labor troubles
through the department of juatlce rather
than through, tha war department. If
our colonial policy le urged as an excuse
for the Increase, then this Increased ex
ponas must be charged to Imperialism.
Fifty millions for six years would
amount to $300.00$;ooo, whereas the Re
puMlcsn leaders contend that Imperial
Ism hss cost us less than $100,000,000.
As a matter oft fact, a large part of tha
increase In ths expenditures of both the
army and the navy should be chsrgsd to
Imperialism, for without Imperialism ths
Republican party would not dare to
stiuifl sponsor for the Increase.
The queatlon of Imperialism raises an
issue that Is clearly a moral one. With
out considering the expenss which Im
perialism Imposes upon ths taxpayers
for the benefit of a few officials and for
tha benefit of a few exploiting corpora
dons; without considering the Injustice
always dons to helpless subjscts by a
foreign guardian; without considering .
the violation of our fundamental prin
ciples of government inwoived by impe
rial lam ; without considering ths certain
reaction of our imperialistic conduct
upon our national character, It la sum
oiant at thla tlma to point out the fact
that imperialism attacks ths most vital
Christian principle namely, the propaga
tion of good by sxsmpls. But two meth
ods havs been employed in all tha world
by those who have sought to benefit
other namely, force and example.
Force, when employed by a 'guardian
against a ward, haa always been de
fended on the ground of benevolence;
but where the guardian haa been a na
tion It haa always asserted the right to
fix tha price to be paid by the ward.
In the very beginning of our imperialis
tic venture Secretary Gage announced
that "philanthropy -and five per cent
would go hand In hand" in the Philip
pines. In his speech as permanent chair
man of tha Republican national conven
tion In 1900. Senator Lodge said
"We make no hypocritical pretense of
being Interested In ths Philippines solely
on account of others. While ws regard
the welfare of thoae people aa a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare of the
American people first We see our duty
to ourselves as- well as to others. We
believe In trade expansion. By every le
gitimate means within ths province of
government and constitution WS mean to
stimulate the expansion of our trade and
open new markets."
It le evident, therefore, that tha em
ployment of force In the Philippines Is
lntsnded to promote our good as wall as
ths good of the Filipinos, and who wlil
say that ths hoped-for good to ourselves
may not blind us to ths real welfare of
the Filipinos? Tha Bible plan of prop
agating good ia by example: "So llva
that others seeing your good works may
be constrained to glorify your Father."
If thla were changed to suit imperial
latlc methods, It would read: "So en
force your views upon others that they
will do as you want thsm to do, and
thsn charge them whatever you think
fair for teaching them not to resist your
forcible advice." We are id our con
duct denying the universality of our own
theory of government. Instead of In
eplrlng In the Filipinos a lova of our
Ideals and our principles of government,
we constantly furnish them an oppor
tunity to point out ths difference be
tween our profeeelona and our practices.
Certainly the Philippine queetlon pre
sents an opportunity for the Democratic
party to address Itself with success to
ths religious Instincts of the American
people and to the moral perceptions of
the country.
The time Is ripe for an appeal to the
moral sense of the nation; the time ia
-ripe for the arraignment of the. pluto
cratic tendenclee of the Republican party
before the bar of public conscience;
and the Democratic party was never In
better position thsn now to make thla
appeal. If adversity has taught It to
rest Its csss upon arguments addressed
to tha head and heart of the nation,
then great good will be extracted from
the grievous defeat recently suffered
was found. The new field had been
opened.
For the first 24 hours the well pro
duced 2S0 barrels of oil. Oil waa then
selling at $1 a barrel. Thereafter the
company waa assured success.
Qutharie. who had eagerly watched
every step from the time he slgnsd tha
lease to the farm on which the oil was
found, until oil was found, received ae
his share of th first day's return about
I to. He haa long since paid off the
mortgage and hla Income Is almost as
great as that of the governor of Indiana.
PIOBOPS AT KOI
OP OOKAP.
From ths Baltimore Sun.
It la not every man who goes to sea
that can ordsr freshly laid egga ae a
companion to hie breakfast bacon, but
Captain Thaprlch of the German oil tank
steamer Burgerraelstsr Petersen, in port,
haa by a careful study of ths genus
poultry been able to do so. On board
he hss a flock of chickens that receive
much of his attention, and as a reward
for his kindness they average one doxen
eggs a day from November to May.
Captain Thaprtch'a fada are the breed
ing of chickens and homing pigeons.
The homing pigeons are carefully raised
from the egg all on board, with the ex
ception of two pairs to start tha family,
having been hstched on the ship. An
Incident of the Inetlnct of the homing
pigeon wss developed on board the Bur
germeister Peteraen on her present trip
to Baltimore. Laat Friday, when the
veeael was off Hog Island making her
way to the caps, the pigeons took an
exercise fly, snd all but ons returned,
('apt. J. R. Thompson, Jr., Joined tha
ship at the capes to pilot her to Balti
more. At $:80 p. m.. after the ship
had stesmed 70 miles from ths time the
bird waa missed. It cam on board.
Captain Thaprlch was then in the cabin
taking hla afternoon tea. He waa the
first one to know that hla pet had re
turned Aa the ship hss made almoat two sides
of a rightangled triangle from the posi
tion where the bird waa lost. It waa as
sumed that It had flown across ths land,
cutting off ths ship and Joining It when
$0 miles Inside of the capes, having left
when the steamer waa fully 40 miles
up ths coast.
Would Be Useful.
From ths Chicago, Tribune.
During the Inspection of the hoepltal
corps of the Fourth Maryland regiment
recently one of the members waa asked
his occupation
"I am a carpenter," the man replied.
"Why, what can you do for th
corper" Inquired the Inspector, "a the
hospltsl corps of a regiment Is generally
composed of pharmacists and' medical
students r I
I can make coffins." was the real.
and It waa eminently aatlafactsiy.