PACK TWO
ASHLAND TIDINGS
Thursday. Aagnst 29. lor?
Ashland Tidings
SEMI-WEEKLY.
. ESTABLISHED 1876.
Issned Mondays and Thursdays
Bert R. Giwr, - Editor and Owner
W. H. Gillis, ... City Editor
W. E. names, - Business Manager
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Interior.
Entered at the Ashland. Oregon,
PostofHce as second-class mail matter.
ANbland, Ore., Thursday, Aug. 2f, 'J2
Ex-Senator Long of Kansas is
howling because the people elimi
nated Taft electors in his state by
a majority vote of some forty thou
sand in the' recent primaries. The
people also eliminated Long some
time ago. The trouble with stand
patters like Long is that they do not
desire the people to rule. By the
way, the result in the Kansas pri
maries, held since the republican and
progressive conventions,, does not
show any decadence of Roosevelt's
popularity with the republican
masses. In a straight fight between
Taft and Roosevelt forces the latter
carried the republican primaries by
as large majority as Kansas has ever
given for the republican ticket at a
general election. The chances are
Mr. Taft will have a hard time to
carry a single state in the Union at
the November election. The people
are in earnest and determined. They
do not propose that such sentiments
as are voiced by stand-patters like
Long against the ability of the people
to rule shall have the least shadow
of endorsement.
WHY 1K)ES PERKINS SUPPORT ROOSEVELT?
Is Perkins supporting the candidacy of Mr. Roosevelt?
Yes, there is no question about that.
Does not that, in itself, prove that Mr. Roosevelt is standing in with
the Morgan interests, while pretending to fight all big crooked business?
Do you think such fellows would support Roosevelt unless they had some
understanding with him for protection? Such questions as these are
being asked by the enemies of Roosevelt and answered by these same ene
niies in the affirmative. When they answer that way they turn their backs
to the crowd and wink at each other, but the rank and file fail to discern
the cunning trick, because they accept the charge on its plausibility instead
cf digging in for the truth.
It is a common trick in politics to send out plausible poison for the
destruction of opponents instead of relying on facts to defeat them. That
is especially true when facts are entirely lacking.
This year the people are greatly in earnest and are looking for facts,
cot theories.
Let us enter into the examination of this subject without prejudice
ft i i i , .
i: is mgniy important tnat we arrive at a just and right conclusion. The
issues'this year are of graver import than any before joined in the history
ct the nation.
Large operations are good for the country if conducted along right
lines. Hundred-million-dollar corporations are necessary and desirable in
forwarding hundred-million-dollar development projects. Without such
combinations of capital the tremendous transportation systems of the coun
try would have been impossible. Without the extension of these the splen
did material development in the United States during the past twenty years
couianaruiy nave been accomplished in five hundred years, if at all. A
long time ago Adam Smith laid down a principle in economics which has
not yet been assailed. It is this: The possible prosperity of the individual
depends entirely upon the increasing wealth of society. When devel
opment is greatest, society wealth increases fastest, and, barring artificial
1 J A t I ...
muurances, me individual has the best chance to prosper. It is upon this
ground that Roosevelt holds to the principle that big business should not
be destroyed, but should continue that great development enterprises be
ppeedily forwarded and the wealth of society rapidly increased.
What has been said of transportation systems applies as well to great
irrigation projects, and to large manufacturing and productive enterprises
generally.
The trouble, then, lies not in great combinations of capital, but in
their crooked alliance with national legislation and administration throiiKh
which they rear artificial obstacles in the way of equitable distribution of
vealth thus created, and are allowed to maintain them, to the great hin
drance of individual enterprise and at the expense of the consumer.
It is commonly believed, and the writer thinks justly so, that it has
been the rule in the past with both the Harriman-Rockefeller interests and
the Perkins-Morgan interests to exercise their great power in politics in
uch way as to enable them to unjustly exploit the people in the interest of
abnormal and exhorbitant private profits.
This was especially true before the ascendency of Mr. Roosevelt to the
presidency. During the administration of Mr. McKinley large business
interests, through the manipulation of Mr. Hanna, gained a firmer hold
rn the country than was possible before or since. Time now has moved
away far enough from the tragedy of McKlnley's death that a fair view
may be had of the effect of his administration without being much ob
scured by the high estimate in which the man is, and will always be held
by reason of his pure life, his good motives and the sad circumstances of
1 is assassination. He was elected upon the sole issue that the prosperity
of the country had been mostly forwarded by big operation and that con
tinued prosperity depended upon the rapid growth and development of
big business. That view had been commonly accepted by the people as evi
denced by his large majority at the polls. And the strong leaning of his
administration toward big business met with hearty popular approval in
Ms re-election.
The public mind had come to a state of full appreciation of the bene
fits of rapid development, in Increasing wealth of society and advancing
the opportunity for Individual prosperity, but the fact of the abuses of big
business had not proven oppressive enough to arouse general alarm. The
issue was one purely of dollar diplomacy against the field, and dollar dip
lomacy won.
The candidacy of McKinley was backed alike by Standard Oil, Steel,
Harvester and Tobacco. During his first administration Morgan developed
into the greatest financier of the world because of his success in bringing
big business closer into combination through absorption and trust organ
ization with interlocking directories. Ry this method competition was
largely overcome between big business, resulting in larger profits and in
creased power, so much so, indeed, that trust combination quickly became
the rule. It was an easy step, then, to monopoly so complete and powerful
ai would control the markets, crush individual enterprise, regulate'the
supply to the whim of greedy manipulation, dictate prices to consumers
without regard to cost of production, and enter generally into the field of
exploitation.
By the end of MeKinley's first administration exploitation had become
the rule to such extent as to be generally felt, and some demand was raised
for legislation which would check trust abuses. In the front of this agita
tion were Bryan, La Follette and Roosevelt. Bryan had swept the demo
cratic convention off its feet and gained the nomination for president.
Roosevelt loomed high on the political horizon as a candidate in the repub
lican convention against McKinley. By the interests Roosevelt was looked
ipon as "unsafe" and dangerous, and they hurried to reach an understand
ing for the nomination of McKinley, by putting Roosevelt on the ticket for
vice-president. By this time Roosevelt had gained great popularity. The
effect of this coup would be to strengthen the candidacy of McKinley and
at the same time place the dangerous ambitions of Roosevelt beyond the
hope of realization. For history had proven that the vice-presidency was
but a grave for presidential aspirations. As a rule presidential ambition
nunk in it and was heard of no more.
McKinley and Roosevelt were elected and the latter entered into the
duties of an office where discretion and initiative were nil and where, the
interests believed, he would be forced to harmless submission. But. wise
as they were, they took not Into account the exigencies or fate. In a little
mhlle President McKinley was removed by the hand of an assassin, and
Roosevelt, "the unsafe." ascended to the presidency.
Roosevelt carried out the McKinley policies during the unexpired term
tnd became a candidate for election on his own responsibility.
His popularity had teen amazingly augmented during his tenure as
president. He had been preaching the doctrine of strict trust control.
Bryan was sure to be the candidate of democracy and he stood for trust
destruction. Roosevelt appeared as the only republican who could beat the
radical Bryan. He was nominated without opposition and wag elected.
The history of his magnificent achievements in inaugurating meas
ures against trust abuses was set out in a former article in this series. At
the end of his term he enjoyed universal confidence and popularity. Had
he desired to succeed himself he could have done so without effort. He
flecllned, however, and backed the candidacy of Mr. Taft. The latter had
been Intimately associated with Roosevelt in his administration and had
carried out his policies with fervor and ability. Roosevelt had a right to
think that Taft, as his successor, would faithfully continue the policies of
trust reform and round out the work he had so laboriously begun. Like
many men, Taft proved a good lieutenant but utterly failed as a general. At
the first battle he capitulated. And Roosevelt says his support of Taft was
the biggest mistake he ever made.
So much for the history. It was necessary for a full understanding of
the subject at hand.
Taft is a candidate for re-election backed by the Harriman-Rockefeller
interests. Roosevelt is a candidate against him and has the support or
the Perkins-Morgan interests. Herein the subject becomes one for careful
consideration, for it is plain enough that both these combinations are in
politics with the same aim party success to accomplish a selfish end.
In correctly analyzing this apparently anomalous situation it is neces
sary to rirst examine the proposal of the difrerent platforms in order to
see what remedies they ottei for trust abuses.
. The democratic platform declares for laws that will make it impossi
ble for trusts and monopolies' to exist. It needs no argument to show that
both of these combinations would oppose that. Their life depends upon it.
It denounces the efforts already put forth by the republicans, under Roose
velt, to control the trusts as an unwarranted encroachment on the rights
of the states. It would first dismember and scatter th t rnsta anil than
subject commerce to the sole control of the several states. When it is con
sidered that practically all large corporations are engaged in Interstate
commerce, operating in nearly every state in the Union, that the transcon
tinental railroads cross every state 'between the Atlantic and Pacific, it will
be readily seen that the enforcement of democratic states' rights doctrines
would result in subjecting corporations operating in many states to so
many modes of regulation to so many different laws and so many degrees
of control and regulation, depending upon the temper of the people in the
uiiierent. Btates as to render operation uncertain and unprofitable, if not
utterly ruinous.
The republican platform is ambiguous in its trust declarations, but
E'lheres to the doctrine of laissez faire. Non-interference is its burden.
The' progressive platform declares for effective control of trust opera
tion by the federal government, by compelling all corporations engaged in
interstate commerce to take out federal charters under a national law pro
viding for strict regulation. Thus it proposes to do away with trust abuses
without hindering legitimate operation.
In the pre-primary and convention campaign of 1912 four horns of a
dilemma presented themselves to the trust bosses: to force the nomination
of Taft and continue abuse; to accept the radicalism of La Follette, yield
themselves up to the commerce-destroying policy of Wilson, or to submit
to just and effective control under Roosevelt.
Upon the question as to which horn of this dilemma it was wisest and
safest to embrace the Harriman-Rockefeller and Perkins-Morgan interests
sidit.
The Harriman-Rockefeller people took the ground that exploiting in
terests were strongly enough entrenched in politics and government to
force the renomination of Taft. Roosevelt had been out of power three
years. The interests had been busy all that time discrediting his policies,
questioning his motives and working to negate his influence. In the New
York state convention they had plucked his plumage, thus illustrating his
t'ecaying power, and the third-term prejudice could be worked against his
candidacy. The radical La Follette, though well, accredited, had not yev
his national position firmly fixed. Like Bryan in his early history, he was
very popular on the platform, his sincerity stood unquestioned and his fine
sentences provoked uproarious applause, but as a national politician he
was yet a negligible force and could be easily out-manipulated for the nom
ination. The chances were good that Clark's candidacy would outstrip
Bryan and Wilson for the democratic nomination. However, if that railed,
there still remained that other weapon, the electoral college, which had
twice proven elective in tuning a three-million popular majority for
Bryan into a republican victory. Moreover, the democrats had been in
power through the last Cleveland administration. They had gone in clam
oiing against privilege, against protective tarirf and trust abuse, but their
i erformances had fallen so far short of their threats that the trusts had
gotten on very well under them. That mild application of democratic pol
icies, and the Wilson tariff, had not injured them.
Taft could, and must, be renominated and elected. They concluded
to fight and take their chances.
There was yet another view as logical and illumined, but less danger
ous. Trust abuses had reached so oppressive a state that public sentiment
vas all but universally in favor of checking them through the powers of
government. During the past few years this had been repeatedly and un
mistakably illustrated at the polls in the overwhelming defeat of trust
controlled congressmen and senators and the election of successors pledged
to the support of measures against trust abuses. Wherever the,people had
opportunity of expression it was emphasized that they would have no more
trust domination. This sentiment was directed not only squarely against
special privilege but against Taft. He had utterly failed to satisfy the de
mands of the people. Under Roosevelt the people had fairly gotten hold
cf the government. Remedial measures like the intrstate commerce law,
the amendment strengthening the Sherman anti-trust law, the pure food
act, the department of commerce and labor law, measures for forwarding
wofk on the Panama canal, and the law regulating hours or labor for rail
road employes, had all been put into operation. The Northern Securities
case had been prosecuted by the government to a successful conclusion.
Postofrice and public land thieves had been caught and punished. The
sugar trust had been found practicing custom rrauds and was brought in to
r.nswer to the courts. Standard Oil and Tobacco had been forced to an
swer for violation of the Sherman law. Corporations had been forbidden
to contribute to campaign funds. The Cannon machine had been shattered
r.nd trust control in the senate reduced. All this had proven popular. The
people felt they were in a way to control the government. At this juncture
Roosevelt retired and Taft assumed administration. Much was expected
of him. The great hope was that he would vigorously nrosecute the work
in hand until abuses generally were corrected and the control of govern
ment became firmly anchored in the people. He had been elected upon his
solemn promise of tariff revision downward and energetic prosecution of
crooked business. In both of these he had utterly failed. The neoDle were
thoroughly aroused and Taft was their chief target. Under these circum
stances there was absolutely no hope of his re-election even though the
party machine succeeded in steam-rolling his renomination. This view was
held by four-fifths of the people of the nation and the Perkins-Morgan
combination adopted it. r I
There were these alternatives left: The election of a democratic can
didate pledged to absolutely destroy monopolistic oDeratinn nr
To accept the candidacy or Roosevelt, agree to take out a federal
charter, submit to strict control under it. relinquish iniauitous nractices
and conduct business in Tuture on rair and sauare erounds
It was plain enough that to attempt to further control political affairs
to its unjust advantage was futile. To bear the burden of the enforcement
of democratic interstate destructive nolicles would entail crpnt finnnrtnl
loss, while the election or Roosevelt and th.e enforcement or his policies
would leave them intact, in the field, shorn only of their power to do evil,
still able to conduct an honorable business in a legitimate and proritable
way. Therefore,
The Perkins-Morgan interests turned to the support of Roosevelt with
as strong motive or selMnterest as., prompted the Rockereller-Harriman
Interests to champion the candidacy of Taft.
The difference was this: The first had no hope for the success or
Tart's candidacy from the rirst and sought reruge irom what it believed
utter destruction by supporting the Roosevelt policies. The latter believes
it can force the election or Taft and perpetuate its abuses and is willing to
take its chances.
The Perkins-Morgan interests are behind Roosevelt without a promise,
or without hope or protection rurther than will come to all legitimate en
terprises through the rair applfcatlon or trust remedies clearly set out in
the progressive platform. 1
t III 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ttfrtt-H tttttl 1 1 1 1 tl H hi
PureMounfciftWaterlce
Reduced Prices on Ice
FOR SEASON OF 1912
Save money by purchasing coupon books. Issued for
500, 1 ,000, 2,000 up io 5,000 pounds.
This is the cheapest way to buy your ice.
Delivery every day except Sundays.
ASHLAND ICE AND STORAGE CO.
TELEPHONE 108
I 1 .
The Home Circle I
jj Thoughts from the Editorial Pen H
Thoughts from the Editorial Pen
unt::::t:::;:::::::n::::::u:::u:::::::u::u;
Home is a place where a man can
do as he pleases if he is married to
the right woman.
When a sick man is able to grum
ble, growl and wrangle he is able to
get up and do his own chores at
least.
The average weight of eggs is
about eight to a pound, so that a
dozen eggs would weigh about one
and a half pounds. A pound of eggs
contains more nourishment than a
pound of meat. There is no flesh
food that may be served in so many
palatable ways as eggs, nor as easily
obtained by Tanners. Eggs are a
rerfect food, containing all the ton
stitutnt elements or nourishment.
A woman must wear No. 2 boots
on No. 3 Teet and she must manage
to dress well on 75 cents a week,
and she must be vain; and she must
be kind to the poor, and she must go
regularly to the sewing society meet
ings and be ready to dress dolls and
make tidies and aprons for church
fairs. She must be a good cook, and
must be able to "do up" her hus
band's shirts so that the Chinese
washerman would sroan with envy.
A gopd neighbor is always the
most desirable of possessions, al
though in some cases their social
value is underestimated. What con
stitutes a good neighbor is also ire
quently misconstrued, although the
sensible acceptation or the term is,
the neighbor who is rriendly without
being officious, helpful without be
ing superfluously so, and, finally,
one who respects the privacy or oth
ers' household arrairs by a certaip
degree or formality or manner.
A story is told of a married lady
who compared her husband to a
handsome piano lamp that he had
presented to her. Her husband Telt
quite nattered until she mentioned
the particulars or the resemblance.
"Well," she said, "you know, my
dear, it has a good deal or brass
about it, it is handsome to look at,
it is not remarkably brilliant, re
quires a good deal or attention, liable
to explode when hair full, fibres up
occasionally, is always out at bed
time and is bound to smoke."
We believe there would be more
frugality in the homes if men would
give their wives a reasonable amount
of money for household expenses and
let them have all they can save out
or it for their own use; and men,
too, would be better of r than in the
unmethodical and haphazard way in
which most homes are run. Women
would be more apt to study kitchen
economy if they could see a reward
ahead. A nation of thrifty men can
not be born or thrirtless mothers.
Women have need to know more o.
business, and think more or means
to ends than is usual among them.
There is one class of laborers who
never strike and seldom complain.
They get' up at 5 o'clock in the morn
ing and never get back to bed until
10 or 11 o'clock at night; they work
without ceasing the whole of that
time, and receive no other emolu
ment than food and the plainest
kind of clothing; they understand
something of every branch or econ
omy and labor, rrom finance to cook
ing; though harassed by. a hundred
responsibilities, though driven and
worried, though reproached and
looked down upon, they never revolt,
and they cannot organize for their
own protection. Not even sickness
releases them from their posts. No
sacrifice is deemed too great for
them to make and no incompetency
in any branch of their work is ex
cused. No essays, books or poems
are written in tribute to their stead
fastness. They die in the harness
and are supplanted as quickly as
may be. These are the housekeep
ing wives of the laboring men.
The Editor's Advantage.
Did you ever stop to think of how
many more whacks the editor gets
at his victim than any other busi
ness man in town does? With the
editor the whacking process lasts
from the cradle to the grave. When
a person is born, even before the
preacher gets a chance to baptize
him, the editor has congratulated the
happy parents and has specified ii
extravagant phraseology the weight,
Bex and pedigree of the new arrival.
At the christening the editor often
manages to squeeze out a person?. I
item of interest to his readers, which
is rar better than the preacher cau
do, Tor he has to charge up his labors
teethe Lord, who is far harder to get
cash out of even than a subscriber.
When the victim graduates from the
town high school the editor gener
ally expects to reap about a column
of good reading matter and often
prints a picture. Then if the victim
gets married, the preaoier gets five
dollars and the editor irets twenty-
five dollars' worth or surprise for
his readers. When Mr. Victim gets
sick the doctor gets a faint chance
of some day collecting a bill against
him, but the editor has some cash
news every day, telling the patient's
"many friends' how he is getting
along. And then if he dies, the ed
itor gets the most valuable news of
all. Not that he is ever glad of the
misfortune, but the news is worU
money to him just the same. Maybe
the undertaker gets a little more
than the editor, but it is the only
chance he has had at the victim dur
ing his whole career, while the editor
has been pulling something out of
him all- along the line.
Attention, Wood Consumers
Sound dry red fir and yel
low pine, 16-inch block body
wood, delivered in your wood
shed in orders for not less
than 10 tiers to a place, at
$2.25 per tier.
E. J. M AIIAN
Leave orders at office, 290
East Main st., or phone 168.
i Aluminum Wae
For two weeks only, prices cut in
hall. Everything in the line oi cook- ,
inn utensils. See window display.
zcii:o&roi:
Rev-o-noc Dog Collars on Display
DOG BISCUIT
Always use the Sherwin-Williams Paints
Pffovost Bos