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VOL. 1.
BANY, LINN COUNTY, OREGON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1805. .
NO. 11.
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A DIABOLICAL ACT.
A White Man Flowed by a Xe
gr so that lie Died.
. The following appears in the Cincin
nati Enquirer of a late date :
- I noticed in your issue of the 19th
Inst, an article from the Louisville Demo
crat, giving an account of a disgraceful
affairwhieh took place at Jeffersonville,
Indiana, by the drumming and parading
through the streets of a white soldier,
surrounded by a negro guard, which calls
to my mind a far more disgraceful and
inhuman act which I witnessed at Fort
Delaware.
The barbarous act which I acj about
to narrate, and the circumstances which
induced it, are briefly as follows: The
white man who was flogged, was a citizen,
and employed, as a deck-hand on a steam
boat called the " Osceola," which made
daily trips to and from the fort. After
Mr. Lincoln had been killed this man, in
conversation with others, remarked that
Mr. Lincoln was '; only one of the many
thousands who had been killed, during
Y'he past four years, as the result of this
'Via warranted war," and said while "his
(Lincoln's) assassination was a sad affair,
he believed it would have saved thou
sands of lives, and be better for the coun
try, had he been killed at the commence
ment of the rebellion."
- For indulging in the above remarks
' he was brought up to the eomnianding
General's headquarters, when the Gen
eral, assisted by members of his staff,
beat the unfortunate man in a most bru
tal manner, after which he was taken to
the guard-house and tied up by the
thumbs, his toes only touching the ground,
ior two hours. After that was done his
head was shaved and he was flagged by a
negro, "under guard, from the fort to the
wharf, about a quarter of a mile. When
he reacbe i the wharf he was perfectly
red with blood 'from head to foot, and his
body was scarred all over from the effects
of the whip. Ili3 clothes were complete
ly torn off him, and .he presented a sight
that would make any one who had a spark
of Christianity about him shudder. lie
fell at the wharf, and was unable to snp-
port himself, when he was picked up by
some of the guard, by order of the Pro
vost Marshal, who i& charge of the ex
ecution of this most atrocious act, and
placed in a skiff, taken to Salem, New
Jersey, where he resided, and given to
his family in that condition. I was in
formed afterwards that he died. I was
also informed that his mother was' a wid
ow woman, and he was her sole support.
This, no doubt, will appear horrible to
-the public, and seem hardiy possible that
a man, claiming to be civilized,and with
the rank of Brigadier-General in the
United States Army, would be guilty of
-meh inhumanity and barbarity; but, nev-
ertheless-it is true and I was an eye
witness t the same. But, Mr. Editor,
this u onh one of the many barbarous
and treacherous acts which were prac
ticed on prisoners by these scoundrels,
ind which I intend to make public as
soon as I can devote my attention to
them.
I make this assertion, and challenge
refutation to the same, that the manner
in which the prisoners of war were treat
ed at Fort Delaware was fully as bad and
cruel as, it is charged, and which I be
lieve was so, the Union prisoners were
treated at Andersonville. This I will
prove erelong, by giving a full statement
i&f the tacts. I). Jclanegan'.
: ' Socxn CorxsEt.The Ypsilanti (Mich.)
Sentinel gives the following sound counsel!
, Look to your children, fha ready pens
of a thousand writers are busy infusing false
hood into their minds, concerning late events
and their causes. All the channels ot our
literature are filled with their perversions,
prejudice and malignity. It we 6xpect to
preserve a free government, we must watch
the influences that are brought to bear in forra
Eg the minds of the young. Banish from
your houses everything that savors of the
".doctrines of federalism, or a fondness for
despotism. Drive out the partisan histories
ci the war, by Tory and Abolition writers,
if you cannot take the bettor course of put
ting the truth by the side of them. The
school, the press and the pulpit, ire at pres
ent doing the work of indoctrinating the
vouth of the country -with the love of
strong Gavernments, admiration of military
imd contempt of civil power ; and the pro
priety of blendirftj church and State in gen
eral crusades of reform. Take heed that
our children, and through them the country,
is not politically drngzed to death.
, Helpfulness
Jii3 wages.
never comes home without
SPEECH OF HOX. 9IOIVT.
GOttEttY BLAIR.
He Shows np the Perfidy of Sew
ard, the Treachery and IntUmy
r Stanton and llolt, and Ver-
the Charges Against Them
. All which Democrats have made,
but which Abolitionist have As
serted to be FaleSeward, Holt
and Stanton Beshonsible lor the
liar.
We give below the main portion of a
speech in Marylaud by the Hon. Mont
gomery Blair, formerly a member of Mr
Lincoln's Cabinet, and one of the most
influential and prominent leaders of the
Abolition party. We ask our Democratic
readers to show it to their Abolition neigh
bors. The Abolition organs of Oregon
will not print such speeches. They fear
the effects upon their party readers. Head
and preserve thus speech, Mr- Blair
said :
Fellow-Citizens : It cannot be said
that States or men loyal to the Union, that
remained steadfast to it uutil vanquished
by the superior force of a victorious usur
pation which reduced all the civil and
military authorities within the States to
subserviency, became rebels by submis
sion. Much less can it be said that such
States and individuals, entitled by their
allegiance to the General Government to
its protection, but which were surrendered
to that usurpation without a blow struck
in their defense by it, became traitors by
ceasing to resist when effectual resistance
was no longer possible. Now, this was
exactly the case of the loyal people of.the
South, a majority of whom were unques
tionably loyal before the iall of r t. Sum
ter, but who found themselves at that mo
ment absolutely at the mercy of the con
spiritors against the Xatioual Republic.
This State of things was the result of the
connivance of the Government of the Uni
ted States with the traitors, who by the
aid of secret societies, had organized an
overwhelming military force, and secured
by political intrigue the executive, legis
lative and judicial power in the slave States.
But mark especially the part which the
Federal authority exeried in establishing
this usurping power in the South. The
President of the United States, Buchanan.
was their executive. Every Cabinet offi
cer appointed -by him was of their dicta
tion. Thevhad a controlling majority m
both branches of Congress. The Supreme
Court was at their devotion. The head of
the army, the venerable Lieutenaot-Gen-eral
Scott, stood alone, of all Buchanan's
controlling functionaries, true to his coun
try. Every other head of administration,
with the exception of this time-worn pa
triot, contributed to betray the South into
the hands of its enemies. The Senate
and Ilouse of Representatives in their de
bates were converted into hot-beds of sedi
tion to fire the Southern heart. The Su
preme Court fulminated a decision, meant
like the papal bull which once consigned
the newly discovered continent to the yoke
of Spain, to reopen that part of it which
had been freed by State constitutions or
territorial compacts io slavery again.
The Pre-sideut declared that if the slave
States seceded, as it was proclaimed by
the Representatives in Congress they
would, if balked in their designs, that
there was no power in the General Gov
ernment to coerce them to submit to the
Constitution and laws, and to defeat even
the attempt at coercion, the army was sent
under Gen. Twigg3 to the Indian border
of Texas, to be surrendered to the traitors
there, and the navy were dispersed in all
direetioaa to the end3 of the earth. This
was the situation at the opening of the
Congress which was to usher Mr. Lincoln
into his severed government.
But in the interim between the meeting
of Congress and the accession of Mr. Lin
coln, the influential men in the Cabinet
designated by him, and those playing
thir last cards, in Buchanan's Cabinet,
were buried in intrigues with conspirators,
who were setting up their power over the
slave States. Buchanan's Secretary of
War was doing all he could to Confirm it,
by stripping the armories of the United
States, surrendering the army and its arms.
and handing overall the munitions of war
and forts in his power to the enemy. Tou
cey did the same with everything in his
power, by putting disaffected or imbecile
officers is the navy yards and fortified
places in the South, to make th6 conquest
of them easy. Almost a 11 were lost before
Mr. Lincoln had time to organize his de
partments and look about him. .
Meantime Mr, Seward, as the es?gna
ted premier of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, still
retaining his place in the Senate or the
United States, took his part in the game
played for and against the Union the
contest, until war in the field broke out,
being confined to the halls of Congress.
Mr. Seward.s policy, then and sipee, and
his motives are still a mystery -t but the re
sult of his devious course was manifestly
detrimental to the cause of the Union. In
response to the leaders of the rebellion on
the floor of the Senate, and who in effect
as the executive power directed the con
spiracy from its council chamber in cau
cus in Washington, Mr- Seward answered,
'' I hsye such faith in this republican sys
tem of ours that there is no political good
which I desire that I am not content to
seek through its peaceful forms of admin
istration without invoking revolutionary
action. If others shall invoke that form
of action to oppose and overthrow govern
ment, they shall not, so far as it depends
on me, have the excuse that I obstinately
felt myself to be misunderstood. In such
a case I can afford to meet prejudice with
conciliation, exaction witn concession,
which surrenders no principle, and vio
lence with the right hand of peace." This
declaration was justly construed to pledge
him to sustain President Buchanan's pro
gramme, "not to coerce a State, and
therefore, not to resist the . dissolution of
the .Union, the proclaimed purposes of the
Senators and Representatives of the slave
States, who were about to leave their seats
m the National Legislature, and call
Confederate Congress to assume all the
power over the South, from which it was
resolved that the Constitution of the Uni
ted States should be banished. The first
step (the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln iu
March accomplished) after "Mr. Seward
was confirmed as Secretary of State by
the Senate, brought John Forsyth, Martin
J. Crawford and A. B. llonwn, 'Commis
sioners from the Confederate States," who,
to use their own language, "asked audi
ence to adjust, in a spirit of amity and
peace, the new relations springing lroui a
manifest and accomplished revolution in
the Govcrnmout ot the I nion. lhis
application was not answered until the 8th
of April, although Mr. Seward's declina
tion was prepared on the 12th of March ;
but a memorandum at the close adds : "A
delivery of the saino, however was delay
ed to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, as
was understood, with their consent. In
the interval, communication between Sec
retary Seward and the Confederate Com
missioners was carried on by Judge Camp
bell f the Supreme Court of the United
States, whose conversations with the Sec-
retarv of State were witnessed bv Judtrc
j -
Nelson, also of the Supreme Court, who
sanctioned the following note of the result
given, on the 15th, of March, 18G1, to
Judse Crawford, for information to the
Confederate States :'
" I feel entire eonSdence that Fort Sumtor
will be evacuated in the next five davs : qnd
this measure is felt as imposing a grat re
spoimbility on the Administration.
"I feel entire confidence that no measure
changing the existing status prejudicially to
the Southern Confederate States is at present
contemplated.
4 1 feel an entire confidence that an an
swer to the communication of the Confede
rate Commissioners will be productive of
evil, not good. I do not believe it ought now
to be pressed." I
Mr. Seward, it seems, made no direct
reply to a letter of Judge Campbell refer- j
ing to the pledges he communicated from
him to the Confederate Commissioners,
and stating to him that " the pledge to
evacuate Fort Sumter is less forcible than
the words you employed. These words
were, before this letter reaches (a propos
ed letter by me to President Davis) Sum
ter will have been evacuated." Mr. Sew
ard did, however, in an authorized state
ment made in the Albany Evening Jour
Journal, by Mr. Thurlow Weed, admit
that he, '-Gov. Seward, conversed, freely
with Judge Campbell; we do not deny,
nor do we doubt that in these conversa
tions, at one period, he intimated that Ft.
Sumter would be evacuated. He certain
ly believed so, founding his opinion on
the knowledge of General Scott's recom
mendation." Now. this mode of escaping the respon
sibility of his assurance to Jeff. Davis that
Sumter would be evacuated, is like that
of Teucer skulking from danger by shoot
ing his arrows under the cover of the
shield of Ajax: It is well known that
General Scott, before Buchanan sent his
non-coercion message to Congress, and as
soon as preparation for revolt in the South
was seen, urged the President by letter
to put all the forts in Charleston harbor
in a state of defense. In this he evinced
the alacrity that prompted him under
General Jaeksoo's orders, when he brought
Charleston and the rebellion into submis
sion by bringing the guns of the army and
navy to bear upon that city when it: hoist
ed the flag of nullification against the
Union in 132. Scott meant to crush the
rebellion in the egg in this instance as in
that ; but Buchanan foiled it as his supe
rior. When Mr. Lincoln came iu, and
his premier undertook to quell the revolt
by concession, Scott could only say in the
confidential letter he wrote when acquies
ing under the superiority of the civil to
the military power, " Let our erringsisters
depart in peace." Yet I am confident,
from the patriotic course of the brave old
man afterward, that nothing could have
induced him to acquiese in Mr. Seward's
course but the committals of 31 r. Seward,
who had ardently supported him for the
Presidency against Mr. Pierce, and the
persuasions that his .diplomacy would
bring all right after surrendering our flag,
and with it the authority of our Govern
ment in the South to that of the Confed
eracy. The dalliance of Mr. Seward with
the Confederates and the Convention
committees from Virginia, np to the fall
of Fort Sumter, was but a prolongation of
the agreement made with Davis, by order
of Buchanan, under the signatures of his
Secretaries of War and of the Navy, that
no act of war would take place on the part
fif the United States during his term.
Thi3 gave the Confederate General Beau
regard on opportunity to build batteries
under the guns ot b ort Sumter, which
could not have been done had not its can
non been muzzled by treaty stipulation
Mr. Seward's acquiesence in this state of
things rendered the preparation for the
attack more complete, while the forbear
ance to furnish provisions or reinforce
ments to the garrison, on our part, effect
ually madg good Mr- Seward s pledge for
its surrender.
It is apparent, from the whole course
of public affairs, tha Mr. Seward acted in
concert with Buchanan's Administration
during the last three months of his term.
He was, no doubt, advised, through Mr.
Stanton, who was in Mr. Buchanan's
Cabinet, of the policy it had adopted in
reference to the seizure of everything that
appertained to the nation in the South.
It was to the coalition then formed be
tween Mr. Seward and Mr. Stanton that
the latter became Secretary of War to Mr.
Lincoln. He apprised Mr. Seward of this
treaty ot the V ar and j avy Departments,
under - Buchanan, to make no resistance
to the policy of dissolving the Union to
offer no coercion to impede ita march to
independence and Mr. Seward s course
shows that he approved and adopted this
policy, is it not strange that Mr. Sew
ard should have kept that paralysis on the
country from the 4th of March to the 13th
April, when the conflagration of Sumter
aroused the people ? Did Mr. Seward
partake of the feeling which prompted
Mr. Chase, his colleage iu the Treasury.
to exclaim, Let the South go. it is not
worth fighting for ?" Is it pogsitle that
these ambitious aspirants, who have shown
such eagerness for the Presidency, are
willing to sacrifice that vast, rich section
of our Union to the party object of per
sonal aggrandizement:
'
Nor was it Southern Uuion men alone
whose natural promptings to defend the
L nion were checked bv the enorui ot tne
existing and prospective authorities in
Washington who were co-operating in this
purpose. It was through these influences
that the movements throughout the North
for the armed defense of the Union were
repressed, and tha impression conveyed
to the South that secession would be
icaceful. Let me recall an instance. The
Pennsylvania Legislature met in Janua
ry, 1801, and a resolution was immediately
presented which, I believe, was unani
mously adopted, declaring it to be the duty
of the State authorities to raise-, "organize
and equip a military force for the defense
of the Union. This movement was stop
ped from Washington, and among the
means resorted to for that purpose, as I
was informed by Speaker Pennington at
the time, the Legislature were told by a
distinPTiished member from 3Iarvland.
then believed to hold confidential relations
with the incoming premier, that Mary
land would secc4e if the movement were
persisted in. The movement was abau
doned, and it was abandoned undoubtedly
through his counsel and in deference to his
position as the incoming premier. Non
resistance was we have seen, his publicly
declared policy in the Senate as it was in the
Cabinet. He agreed with Judge Camp
bell, the rebel Commissioner, for the sur
render oi I'ort Sumter, and when the
President tame to a (liferent determina
tion, he, nevertheless, made good his
promise. He it was. undoubtedly, who
gave -the notice by the telegram seni
through Mr. Harvey, then and still our
Minister to Portugal, of the President's
purpose to reinforce. But the succor
never came. Mr. Seward got an order
directly from the President, withdrawing
the Powhattan, the armed vessel assigned
to the expedition by the Secretary of the
Navy, without the knowledge of the Sec
retary, and without the President know
ing that the Powhattau was the vessel or
dered to relieve Sumter. The men and
provisions came, but not a sailor with
them to put into the fort, the Powhatan
having been withdrawn. It was in defe
rence to him that General Scott rceoiri
mended the surrender of the Fort, be
cause the General, during the previous
Administration, had wished to reinforce
it, and had been refused permission to do
so by Mr. Holt, then Secretary of War.
Mr. Holt, now the head of the bureau
of military justice, was then also a power
ia Washington. While Secretary of War,
as already stated, he refused to permit
General Scott to reinforce Sumter, and he
had, while Postmaster General, written
and - published a letter, dated 30th Nov
ember, 1SG0, justifying the rebellion. He
says in that letter, the people of the North
" have been taught that they are respon
sible for the domestic institutions of the
South, and that they can be faithful to
God only by being unfaithful to the com
pact they made with their fellow-men.
Hence those liberty bills which degrade
the statute bocks of some ten of the free
States, and which are confessedly a shame
less violation of the Federal Constitution
in a point vital to her honor. We have
here presented from year to year the hu
miliating spectacle of free and ttbvcreign
States, by a solemn act of legislation, le
galizing the theft of their neighbors' pro
perty. 1 (as thett, since it is not tne less
so because the subject of the despK
cable crime chances to be a slave instead
of a horse or a bale of goods." After
much to the same purport, he says : "I
am still for the Union, because I nave a
faint, hesitating hope that the North will
do justice to the South aud save tha re
public before the wreclf is complete. But
the aetion must be prompt. 11 the tree
States will sweep the liberty bills from
their codes, propose a convention of the
States, and offer guarantees which will
afford the same repose and 6afety to South
ern homes and property enjoyed by those
at the North, the impending tragedy may
yet be averted, but not otherwise." Sim
ultaneously with his refusal to permit suc
cor to Fort Sumter, and his armistice with
the rebel Secretary, he refused his sanc
tion to a bill introduced into the Senate
by Mr. Preston King, to author ieo thfl
Union men in th South to organize thenv
selves under the authority of the United
States, refusing thus to allow them to de
fend themselves.
Mr. Stan top, now Secretary of War,
then Attorney General, was in full sym
pafhy with the leaders in Congress who
dragged the houth into rebellion, lie
met Senator Brown of Mississippi at the
door of the Supreme Court as he passed
from the hall of the Senate, after taking
leave of it as a secessionist forever, Ho
encouraged hhn; told him he was right;
it. was the only course to save the South;
he must keep his constituents up to it, etc,
This is proved by Mr. Brown, former
Senator from Mississippi, who mentioned
it at the time to the lion. James S. lvol
lius of Missouri. Mr. Saulsbury, Sena
tor from Delaware, by a resolution offered
to the Senate last. Whiter, proposed to
substantiate i before a committee of that
body, but the committee was not granted
The fact is confirmed, too, by the known
relations of the Secretary to parties at the
time, and I have been assured by one of
his colleagues in Buchanan s Cabinet that
in his intercourse with his associates of
that ilk, he was most violent in denounc-
ing any uuempi uj uj4i,$ii lUD vmuu uy
force, and continued bis denunciations till
he entered Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet.
Is it not fof this that he wag so laud
ed and glorified by the Thad. Stevens
party in the resolutions of the recent con
vention at Harrisburg, ia which Presi
dent Johnson is substantially pronounced
an usurper for presuming to set up gov
ernments in the Southern btates, instead
of calling on Congress to take the subject
in hand, to which they claim it belongs
exclusively ? They declare also that these
States should not be allowed State Gov
ernments, and their motive for claiming
authority for Congress is cvideutly be
cause they believe Congress would not
sanction the organization of such govern
ments. Mr. Stanton concurs with them,
and has been and is yet aiding them ef
fectively in their scheme. This explains
the retention so long ot a vast and unne-
cessary military iorce ana Bome oi inc
remarkable movements made by portion's
of it, involving enormous expenditures, as
I believe, against the wishes of the gene-ral-in-chief
and the remonstrances of the
Secretary of the Treasury. Beside the
corruption fund thus secured, it serves to
bankrupt the treasury, and thus compel
the call ot Congress, a great point in the
game of his associates.
I revert to these facts to prove that the
Government of the United States the
great functionaries intrusted with the ad
ministration afe responsible tor the Bnb-
jugation of the Southern people to tjie
usurpations of the conspirators who plot
ted secession in the halls ot Congress and
in the caucuses they held in the Capitol.
Ig it not monstrous that our Govern
ment should hold a people, put in this
preaicamen.i, ii we may noi nay oy its own
acts, yet certainly by its supincness and
acquiescence, responsible for the crimes of
an usurpation thus put over them.
And yet the Hon. Thaddeus Stevens
takes this stand for the Government of the
United States iu the resolutions which he
recently got up a convention to pass at
Harrisburg. He thinks that as Pennsyl
vania elected Mr. Buchanan President,
who devoted his Administration to hatch
the treason which has trodden down the
great commonalty of our own race in the
South, so it has elected him as an agent
0 complete their destruction and set op a
foreign race w tafce tneir piace in tne na
tional commonwealth.
According to the programme of the
Stevens resolutions, there are no loyal
men in the South but the enfranchised
blacks ; the white man who succumbed to
the usurpation and obeyed its behests
and this every man was compelled to do
13 dislranchised as disiovai. in logical
sequence from this state of facts the Na-
tional Legislature is to absorD all legisla
tion, State and National, over the whole
South. It is to assume absolute power
over everything south of Mason and Dix
on's line- and how is it to be exercised ?
Mr. Stevens, forgetting that our Gov
ernment was bound by the Constitution
to protect the people of every State from
all domestic violence and usurpation, as
well as foreign invasion, and in failing to
do it might be justly held to indemnify
the loyal people who have suffered fey the
rebellion, has the naruinooa io aeciare m
his resolutions that the people of the South
en masse, confounding the innocent with
the guilty, are bound, out of their sub-
stance, to pay the whole national ueoi m
curred by the war. This is somewhat
like tying a millstone round the neck of j
every man or the commonalty and throw
ing him into the ocean. It certainly over-
whelms him in a flood from which he can
hardly swim out with such a weight,
But this, as it may he said, is only a
hte-longencumbraneeor generations wnicn
make the poor white posterity who have
lived in slave States expiate as the child
ren the sins of their forefathers. But lest
some men who have considerable substance
in land or other estate that has survived
the war, may go to work and build up
again an independence for themselves and
their devoted country, Mr. Stevens has
niuii.! .? i-ww nnnthoi eiroArtt ft
another Bweeping resolution
which cuts down at one blow all such as
pirations. The resolution is that confis
cation, like our great reaping machines,
shall be driven by a steam engine of our
absolute Government absolute over the
South and reduce all fortunes to 510,000
value. It does not say whether the val
uation ig to be Confederate paper or green
backs. But whether it be one or the
other, the stubble-field will be little worth
the gleaning when we shall have first ex
tracted the war debt from the unhappy
subjects of the rebellion. To get a Gov
ernment sufficiently hardened to execute
these decrees, Mr. Stevens appeals to the
soldiers, aud tells them that no man is
ever to be nominated for any office unless
he has served in the field. So they are
to be the dispensers of all the spoils of the
stript, thp naked children, How little
this veteran politician knows the magnan
imous patriots who fought their battles
for the liberal and merciful institutions
of our country 1 They are the last men
in the world to urge to cruelty in cold
blood. These men when hungry took the
brcard out of their own haversacks, and
gave with their canteens to their prostrate
foes. Let them judge the South, and we
are all brothers.
Mr. Stevens next promises the manu
facturers unbounded protection if they
will help him to strip the South and re
duce it to utter ruin. The manufactu
rers, so far from doing his, will lend it
their capital, at lea credit, that they may
clothe them and enable them to produce
frpsh material for their operatives and
rich markets for the result of their suc
cessful industry. He appeals to holders
of Government bonds, saying the plunder
of the South is to pay their debts. They
will reply, We will not kill the goose that
is to lay the golden egg.
But who is to execute the Draconic de
crees pf Thaddeus and his omnipotent par
liament f Who ia to squeeze out the taxes
from the desolated South to pay the whole
war debt ? Who is to carry out the sweep
ing confiscation throughout all rebeldom
and divide the lands among the only loyal
people of the South the negroes ? '
The resolutions name the President as
4 proper sort of man; hut he is plainly
told that his scheme of restoring the Un
ion will not do. It is too rose water
too milk water too lenient j and yet Mr.
Stevens says the rebels reject it. But
Thaddeus knows a man who can do the
business, who can compile his dooms-day
book of conquests and confiscations. Who
could be tetter fitted for it than the man
to whose prodigious energies and excel-1
lcncics it would seem air our successes are
to be ascribed ? He has a resolution of
exfoliation in the platform all to himself,
exalting him by name, in contrast with
the poor cital made of the President, to
make him like a " Hyperion to a Hatyr.
The rest of the Cabinet arc thrown in the
lump, not named but as " the colleagues "
of Mr. Stanton. They arc worthy gentle
men that must pass.
, Now this is not altogether an absurd
distribution of parts in the . Executive
power, considering the work cut out for
. , O. IT. -.1T 1
ii oj :ur. oievens. . xie is rauicai irom
from the foot to the crown of his head.
He is a root-and-hraneh man, and could
spare nothing of the Government hut the
body the Congress and that he would
turn into a revolutionary club. He wants
a revolution lie wants a Marat to work
it up. Who can fill the function so well
as Mr. Stanton ? He wants a guillotine.
He wants a Santeree, the butcher, to reign
on its scaffold and ply the axe. Can any
one doubt that Mr. Stanton would take
this part ? And if Mr. Stevens would add
peculiar bitterness to the execution of the
process of his revolutionary tribunals in
wasting the South and harrowing the feel
ings of its victims, could there be a better
selection of an agent to pour Ball into
wounds than Mr. Stanton 1 I havo al
ready referred to his urging on the rebel
lion. He was the new member brought
into the Cabinet, when Cass left on the
ground that it would not "coerce" espe
cially that it voted Sumter should not be
reinforced and defended, which he con
sidered as giving aid to the rebellion, and
resigned. Now, if this man, who was the
prompter, the Cabinet adviser of the
measures which contributed to carry the
South out if this man who was appoint
ed because of his full sympathy with Mr.
Buchanan in his whole connection with
the Southern chiefs who conducted its
schemes touching the dissolution of the
Union if this man, who brought them
into the treason for which they are to suf
fer, is to stand over them in mockery at
the execution, it would certainly add bit
terness even to the agony of death.
To the incontrovertible facts I have recited.
establishing the practicability and justice ofj
adhering to the plain letter of the Constitu,
tion there is no answer, but ambition backed j
by power will justify itself with very little
regard for right or even of appearances. I
Richard, when he ordered Hastings to exe-!
cution, showing his withered arm as evidence
that be had bewitched him, did so to scoff at
his victim ; and the affected fears, of the
crushed-' South, assumed by the ambitious
leaders of the North to justify their destine,
tion of their political riehU sounds not un.
like the mockery of Gloster. But the lust of
dominion from which such actions spring is
the nost unreasoning, intolerant, and re
morseless passion of the human bosom. It
knows no Constitution, and does not listen
to truth or justice. We will appeal in vain
to the words of the Constitution to protect us
in our rights to leaders freniied with the
imperial idea of rulior the continent 1t hold
ing one half of it without responsibility to its
people, requiring a military force to do so
which would make them masters of the
whole. In vain we shall ask for justice to
the Union men of the South from such men.
They cannot forgo their lofty aspirations to
recognise uie existence oi any sncn class.
You cannot have forgotten how fiercely my
head wqs demanded when I ventured to as,
sort the rights of Union men of the South
against this form of imperialism when broach,
ed in 1863. I had boon from early manhood
an opponent of slavery ; I had assisted my
brother in organising the first and only vie
torious emancipation party which existed in
the South nrior to the rebellion : I wa in .'
favor of maintaining' Fremont's prociatna .
tion : and failing in that, I had recommend
ed, in writing, President Lincoln to make
one himself in his annual message of 1861,
I bad defended Lincoln's emancipation proc. -lamation
when it was made, in a speech
which Senator Sumner himself did me t'
honor to quote with approbation. I had a
in the emancipation movement in Maryland, "
and never faltered till its success wasachiev
ed. But notwithstanding the furore about !
emancipation by those people, this ear;,
earnest and constant support of emancipation
on my part did not satisfy them. So far
from it, 1 was, I believe, the most odious mtS
to them on the continent. No, there was orA
still better abused by Phillips, Chase, Davis
& Co. I need not tell you that man was
Abraham Lincoln, the author of the procla
mation ; and to such an extent had these men
poisoned the minds of some of our true men
against me that I apprehended my continu-,
ance in the Cabinet might affect the election,
and therefore insisted on withdrawing, Nor
was it because I had done anything to make
myself personally offensive, My only of
fense consisted in asserting the equal rights
of my people ; and you see they would not ;
tolerate any Southern man in tha CabineV.
who stood tor the rights of the Union men of
the South under the Constitution,
The war is over. There is no slavery t
make a new one. The passions connecter
with it are subsiding. We nave a great caree
before us. Our struggle, bloody and ex pen
sive as it has been, will impart a new life t
the country and a new impetus to industry.
Let us set the example of inaugurating an
era of good feeling. , If I have seemed in the
reflections I have made in this address upon
the distinguished men I have named, to be.
animated by a different spirit, let me assure
Tl 1 I - , . 1 ,
you x nave amuiauverieu on xneir acts oniy.
because they are the representative men oft
the unrelenting party in the country, and S
want to show them that their herii Jave
also need of amnesty. J. &m willing they
should have it. Bt't on the other hand, 1
should like to have Judge Campbell and Mr.
Stevens, and others who had erred to be for-
gi ven-fthatour people should have real peace
wiu tt Biipro iu hid vmveniuieui tneir joiners
founded, and which they have to maintain.
And I ask this, not out of any feeling that
the section I was born in is more my country
than any other. J) ree government cannot
last lone in either section with a practical
dismemberment of the Union, or with the
assertion of the General Government of
greater power over any one State than the
onstitution allows, or than is claimed or
would be tolerated in another. The military
subjection of the section entails in the end,
arbitrary Government upon both, Our eagle
must expand both its wings. ;Our national
Republic- must poise itself on both sections if
it would move safely on its glorious mission.
No woman should paint, except-.bhe who
has lost the power of blushing. , -
To know how old a lady is, ask her friends :
to know how young, ask herself, -
HORRORS IX MISSOURI.
Wholesale Hatchery R the State
.Tiiiina jnc;e ana w oar Bona
Brutally Mnrdered.
From the St Louis Republican, Aug. 21.
On Thursday afternoon last, Judge
Lewis F. Wright and four of his sons
were cruelly and inhumanly murdered by
the roadside, on the. route from Rolla to
Houston, some five miles southwest of
the former place. The murders, as we
are inibrmed, were committed by a squad
of Miller county militia, some nine in
number, under command of CoL Bah- .
coke, who resides in cither Miller or Cole
county.
It appears that th!a Colonel and his
squad of militia, on Tuesday last, went to
the" residence of Judge Wright, in Phelpa
county, about ten miles from Rolla
They remained there until Thursday;
On that day they arrested Judge "Wiighr
wad bis five sons. Some sort of an in
vestigation was made into accusations,
brought against the parties, either fan-,
eied or real, when it was determined to
take them to Rolla, as was given out, for
further trial, Mrs. WrigSt, the wife,
and step-mother of the Judge, and his .
sons, at first implored Col. Babcoke not
to take her family away. Finding that
her entreaties, were unavailing she then
besought him to permit her to accompany -them.
This was also refused, but upon
her imploring him to do something for
her protection, as she was fearful of be
ing murdered if left alone, the youngest
son, a mere stripling, was released.
The J udge was then mounted on a
horse by himself, and his four sons upon
two other horses, under guard of the
squad of militia, ostensibly to be taken to.
Rolla. Before reaching that point, as
stated above, therrdreall -inhumanly
butchered andtheir bodies left lying ia
the brush by the road side.' No less
than twenlv-six shots were fired into the
pcOms of the five! Twelve of them
took effect in their heads. Before the
hoflies were reached by the frantic wife
and mother and her remaining son. four
fthe five were dead, and the fifth in
sensible and dying.
About o o clock Thursday evening'
word came to Rolla that the murders had
been committed, creating intense feelings
of sorrow and indignation. Nothing,
however, was done in the matter that
ning. Next morning a wagon was
sent out, and the bodies of the five mur
dered men were brought -into Rolla. A
gentleman who saw them, says they pre
sented a horribletappearanee, their faces
all ghastly with wounds and blood, and
blackened with powder. Judge Wright
had been shot in the side of the face, the -weapon
being held so close as to burn it,
and leave large blotches of powder stick- 5
ing in the skin. f
The Judge is represented to us as hft
ing about sixty years of age, and an esti
mable citizen. For the past twenty-five
years he had resided in Phelps county,,
and held the office of county judge for a
number of years prior to the war. Ever
since the beginning of our troubles in
Missouri he had enjoyed the confidence
and esteem of the military in command
in his neighborhood, his house being fre
quently The stopping plaee of officers
whose men were earnping at a heantiful
spring on his premises and near bis resi
dence. Two men intimately acquaintedgi3Sf
in Phelps, assure us that no ror J1"
ble or wore re!apect'',
county. ..t..:1--
11111 '
One cold yep
in a time m reat reviv
al in an African Methodist Church, the ebony
expounuer was ueuvering a powerlul appeal
on faith," the groans and sobs of his hear
ers giving token of its effects on their im
pressible natures,' The tears stood upon his
own dark cheek, hia voice quivered like dis.
tant thunder, while he emphasized by vigor
ous blows upon the table. In the midst of
this, the stove, agitated by his jarying blows,
rolled over on the floor,' Brother Lewis, a
high man in the church, had located himself
near the crQafortcr of shins ; he stood irreso
lute, when the voice of his minister came ta
him laden with faith " Pick up the stove,
Brudder Lewis, pick up the stove, de Lord
won't let ifcburn you. . Brother Lewis's
mind was filled up with miracles of faith he
had heard that evening, so he yielded to the
appeal of his preacher, grabbed the hot stove
but dropped it instantly," and turning hia
reproachful eyes to the 'disciple of faith,
exclaimed, " De h I he ww7.'' '
There are said to be seventy-four divorce
cases awaiting trial at La "Crosse, Wisconsin
Every complainant is said to be a soldier oi
a soldier's wife. - v
ia
Dr. Franklia-gaid, A good kick out ofdaerfi
is better than all tlje rich nnoles is the world,"
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