MORXIXG OREGOXIAX.' WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER
14,
1908.
n , , , . . . - "
rOBTLASD, UMCOX.
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PORTLAND. WEDNESDAY, OCT. 14. 190a.
FARKXR-BRYAJf-ROOSEVEXT-TArr.
After Bryan himself. Judge Parker
la the leading campaigner for Mr.
Brjaa. Judge Parker, though support
ed by Tammany and by the whole force
of plutocracy of the Democratic party
four years ago, couldn't be elected;
and now ho devotes the greater part
of his speeches to Insinuations or at
tacks upon Roosevelt. But it was
not Roosevelt -who beat him so much
as It was Bryan himself, who held up
Judge Parker to the country as a
tool of plutocrat and monopolists.
June 20. 1S04. after It had become
known that Parker's supporters had
(fathered In the votes, so they prob
ably would be able to control the
National Democratic Convention,
nominate Parker and defeat Bryan,
the latter, vlaltlng New York for tha
purpose, made a speech at Cooper
Union, which was reported by tele
graph and published In The Ore
gonlan of June 21. Here are extracts:
Ky protest today agalnat Belmont.
Cleveland ana tha rt la that they ara
raking the party back to Wall street. I
am oppoaad to Parker because he is a
weak man. and If elected would prove a
disappointment to tha brave Democratic
Boat. Ha i weak because afraid to ex
press hla opinion on questions of publlo
policy: In fact, hu weakness amounts to
cowardice. Money la not tho great Issue.;
It la a question of plutocracy agalnat de
mocracy. Tha Parker men claim many states, but
had It not been for bribery they would
hare had but few delegations
It has been a fraudulent campaign.
They have opsnry bought men and con
ventions, and any man who countenances
that work does not deserve tha office of
President. In Connecticut men were
bought at tha conventions In Pasker's In
terest. I denounce Parker's candidacy as
nna carried on by trampling on the rights
of Democrats
Were I to express my opinion of Parker
and his mentor. Hill. I would ba compelled
to use unparliamentary language, and this
I desire to avoid. Cowards and etraddlers
ran find no place In the Democratic ranks,
and Hill. Parker and the New Tork State
Democratic, cowardly, straddling platform
will find but little respect when they reach
St. Louis.
The demands of this country are for
brave mn. It required brave men to
stand up for the Democracy In X
knew Ir. that year that In every stste we
were threatened with bankruptcy for being
Iemocrts.
What does the state platform (of New
Tork) stand for? It stales that It is op
noted to unnecessary duties. Whoever ad
vocated an unnecessary duty? Wtiers does
Parker stand on Imperialism? Wa don't
know. Where does he stand on the money
question? Is he for gold? Wa don't
know. Is he for silver Wa esnnot jelL
Maybe he Is for radium who can teU?
I object to playing with loaded dice.
We don't know Parker's views, but I am
nfrald that soma men do. Friends, don't
trust him.
I charge that while Parker has con
cealed his views from tha people, he has
made them known to the men behind him.
What Is Mr. Helmont's consideration In
tha Parker candidacy? He Is too shrewd
a financier to Invest his money without
being sure of tha goods It Mr. Parker
deals honestly be would say to Mr. Bel
mont what ha says to others, that his lips
are sealed, and if he did so ha would not
be Mr. Belmont's candidate.
Remembering thia speech The Ore
gonlan. when Judge Parker was here,
searched Its files, but missed finding
t- The Baltimore Sun now supplies
the date. It would have been an ex
cellent thing to have greeted Judge
Parker with this speech, when he was
here. The' Sun, quoting from the
speech, supplies some parts not In
cluded la The Oregonlan's report.
Wa quote this a fling at President
Cleveland:
We have had one President of that kind
recently. God forbid that we ahould hava
another of this kind a man who dragged
tha Democratic party through the mlra of
Wall street and stained It so thoroughly
that the stain has not yet been removed
entirely.
But Judge Parker is a man of very
forgiving disposition In appearance
only. What he Is trying to do Is to
rut himself In position to be the lead
er of his party again. It Is apparent
that he doesn't expect Bryan to be
elected, and, moreover, that he doesn't
desire It. Human nature always tells
a story.
But In every speech Parker breaks
out on Roosevelt, because Koosevelt
solicited the aid of Hariiman for the
State of New Tork In 1904, and
Haniman and his friends put up
a sum of money to help out
the state campaign. Roosevelt didn't
reed it himself; he carried New
York by far the greatest majority ever
given a Presidential candidate, and it
was manifest he would do so money
or no money for the campaign. It
la evident that even without Harrl
man's contribution the result would
have been substantially the same.
But Is Parker, who. according to
the greatest of all Democratic author
ities, was backed by a money syndi
cate headed by Belmont, who bought
delegates, forced with their money
the nomination of Parker, and ex
pected to control him after his elec
tion is Parker the man to assail
Koosevelt nowT
For In any matter whatever has
Koosevelt shown that he was In the
list under the Influence of "the in
terests?" On the contrary, has he not
ppoed and checked them at every
step? Has Haniman. or have the
llarrtman interests, had the least fa
vor or protection from the Adminis
tration? Well. then, they say. Roose
velt was an ingrate. Nobody, howaver.
ever bough: hi. . or had any "strings
on him." The charge of being an In
grate may pass. It comes only from
those who are corrupt or corrupted
through and through. From Mr.
try an we know what Judge Parker
Is. Is Judge Parker, then, the man
to attack President Roosevelt for cor
rupt alliance with plutocracy?
More than all other men put to
gether Theodore Roosevelt is the one
man who has dore most to awaken the
public conscience en the enormity of
the evil produced by those who are
Intrenched in privilege and plutocracy.
"No one will deny that political cor
ruption had reached a state that was
most deplorable. But now the ques
tion arises as to who was mainly re
sponsible for arousing a public senti
ment that Insisted upon a change.
Who stirred the public conscience un
til It was thoroughly awake to the
evil? Who preached the doctrine of
decency In public life until there was
developed a semi-hysterical revolt
against corporation activity In politics
and election debauchery? Even those
who do not approve of many things
the President does must admit that he
more than any other one man or
all other men put together Is to be
credited with this moral re-olution."
We quote from another entirely In
dependent and non-partisan Journal,
the Baltimore News.
Parker, smirched as he is by the
highest authority in his party, asks
us to vote asinst Taft because Roose
velt urged Harriman to give financial
assistance to the Republican ticket In
New York. Judge Parker evidently
does not realize what a poor creature
be Is. Has Mr. Harriman received
any consideration on account of his
efrort or liberality? What would the
Administration have been these four
years had Parker controlled It? Read
Bryan's Cooper Union speech for the
answer.
The great effort for Bryan now is In
the states of New York and Indiana.
Funds are necessary, Who Is sup
plying them? The gambling and race
track Interests In New York and the
liquor Interests in Indiana. It Is open;
It Is notorious;. It Is patent to every
body. Hughes is to be beaten In New
York, and local option is to be turned
down In Indiana, If the Bryan party
l. tl ..(. fhusA ri a t li a 1 nr. 0 1 COT1
1 filltUJ A1. J 1 1 - -J U . u ...W . .
( sequences. From a National point of
view there Is reason for apprehen
sion of the consequences of the pos
sible election of Bryan on the course
of business and the general progress;
none from the election of Taft. Even
now there Is general waiting. Every
one sees and feels It and knows it.
Bryan, all know. Is erratic. When
the country may go on 1a a safe
course, "why should It try an uncer
tain one?
ROCKS TO BE 6BXNXED.
'The Oregonlan made proclamation
that It would be an Independent pa
per. But note how It supports Taft
and opposes Bryan."
Thus a Bryan organ. But when
The Oregonlan said It would be In
dependent it did not say It wpuld be
neutral. Observe that almost every
Independent paper In the whole coun
try opposes Bryan. . They do this be
cause, from his career and history,
they profoundly distrust him. Their
Judgment Is that a man of his erratic
nature, however honest he may be,
may do endless things to disorder the
finances, to keep business affairs in
turmoil and to maintain throughout
his term general conditions of sus
pense and uncertainty. When the
country might Just as well avoid ail
this as not. why shouldn't it?
In the nature of things there will
be apprehension; for the nature and
composition and cast of the Bryan
mind Is well understood. The coun
try will still have In mind his vaga
ries about money, his free-silver ideas,
his government ownership notions, his
bank guarantee scheme, his trust
busting vagaries, his Initiative and ref
erendum propositions, his purpose of
limiting the power of the courts
for propagation of semi-socialistic
schemes; and the apprehensions nat
urally arising will produce hestitation
In business undertakings. It will be
useless to argue that the fears are
groundless; people will not think so,
and the fact must be reckoned with.
The country never was ruined yet
by anything not even by the silver
craze or the great rebellion. But It
has had many a setback and many a
trouble; and It ought to avoid those
which can be foreseen.
NORMAL BOARD AVD NORMAL
SCHOOLS,
When the law was enacted creat
ing one board of regents to have con
trol of all the Normal schools of the
Btate it was hoped that the Normal
school question would find speedy set
tlement through the recommendations
of the board. This governing body.
It was argued, would be thoroughly
familiar with the needs of the state
end with the condition and efficiency
of the Normal schools, which knowl
edge would enable the boart1 to make
recommendations which the I glsla
ture could safely follow. And, believ
ing that the Legislature would act
upon good advice, people had pictured
In their minds the strange spectacle
of a Legislature passing a Normal
school appropriation bill without any
trading and almost without any dis
cussion. But the fond hope has been
dispelled. The board of trustees has
been In session at Salem formulating
Its report to the Legislature, and it
develops that the members of the
board are In Irreconcilable conflict
over the question which always agi
tated the Legislature, how many Nor
mals shall be maintained? Five of
the seven members have agreed that
there should be three State Normal
schools, while the other two Insist
that the number' should be reduced
to two or one.
This division among the members
of the board must necessarily throw
the question into the Legislature
again, where all the pernicious Influ
ence of local self -Interest will again
be displayed. We shall again see the
Normal school bills made the basis
for trades upon all other classes of
legislation. This has been the expe
rience of the past, and we may rea
sonably expect it to be the experience
of the future so long as the question
as to number an ' location of Normals
Is left entirely to the Legislature. And
this ii quite natural. The Normals
were not created In the Interest of
education." They were founded be
cause some private Institution needed
state aid dr because some member of
the Legislature felt that he should get
some sort of a state appropriation for
his home community, and a Normal
school furnished the best excuse for
perversion of public funds from pub
lic to private Interests. The needs of
the educational system were of sec
ondary consideration.
The people of Oregon have de
manded a reform In the Normal
school policy of the state, and have
expected that such a reformation
would take the Normals out' of the
list of trading stock in the Legisla
ture. Some reform has been accom
plished, but apparently the trading
will ko on. The people are not op
posed to State Normal schools, but
they have vigorously protested against
waste and misapplication of public
funds. The press of the state has
not 'knocked' the Normals, as one
member of the board falsely Insinu
ated, but the newspapers, as leaders
of pubHc opinion, have hammered at
a system which required the state at
large to maintain as Normals certain
institutions which were not Normals
In fact. The people and the press
have objected to maintenance of so
called Normal schools, not upon their
merits, but upon the local Interests
which are able to bring pressure to
bear in the Legislature,
Evidence that this Is true is not
lacking. At the meeting of the board
In Salem Monday it was stated that
out of the 3000 teachers employed in
the state not over 300 are Normal
graduates. This was set forth as a
reason why a number of Normals
should be maintained. But scarcity of
Normals or graduates Is not the cause
for the scarcity of teachers who are
Normal graduates. The schools have
turned out thousands of graduates,
and the principal reason why they are
not employed In the schools is that
they were not fitted for that kind of
work, and they sought employment
elsewhere. With poor grace an advo
cate of Normal schools comes before
the people asking for appropriations,
when he must say that after all t'.iese
years of training of teachers by four
State Normals and by half a dozen
private Institutions whose Normal
courses were recognized by the state,
only S00 out of the 3000 teachers are
Normal graduates. If the figures are
correct, and we must assume that
they are, the friends of the Normals
furnish the best possible Justification
for the hammering the schools have
received.
At the meeting of the Normal Bchool
board It was stated that the appro
priations recommended for purely op
erating expenses amount to 1250 per
student per year. Then the money
paid in by the students as tuition fees
is to be added to this, making some
thing like 3275 per student per year
for instruction and other operating
expenses alone. New buildings and de
terioration of buildings are additional
expenses. It Is scarcely to be dis
puted that this expense Is too high
for 'ihe results attained. There will
be little protest against expenses if
desired results can be attained, but
there will be vigorous complaint If the'
normal system requires such a large
per capita expenditure, and then the
normal advocates come back with the
complaint that there are few normal
graduates at work in the publlo
schools.
It ought not to be necessary for the
press of the state to point out the rem
edy. The normal school board was
appointed to Investigate conditions
and to manage the schools In such a
manner that satisfactory results will
be secured. The people look to the
leaders of our educational system to
the presidents of normal schools to
shape the normal'school work so that
It will provide us with the needed
teachers for the schools. The people
look to the normal school board for
financial management of the schools
which will give- us teachers at a rea
sonable cost of instruction. Some
progress has apparently been made in
this direction by the action of the
board In eliminating all but normal
school work in the several Institutions.
But the people had a right to expect
that by the time the Legislature of
1909 . should meet the board would
have devised a settled normal school
policy which it could recommend to
the Legislature for adoption and
which it could support with good rea
son. Instead we are to have majority
and minority reports, with apparently
the best of the argument on the side
of the minority report. And the
whole question Is to be fought out
again In the Legislature.
CAPITAL AND LABOR.
The part which labor has assumed
in the current Presidential campaign
Is a new and perhaps an ominous phe
nomenon In. American politics. Here
tofore workingmen, like other citizens,
have voted with one party or the
other for general reasons. Class feel
ing and class Interest have always ex
isted, naturally, but If they have ex
erted an Influence in politics It has
been clandestine. They have not ven
tured to flaunt themselves as the pre
dominant motives in voting. Up to
the present. In fact, the labor unions
have rather made it the rule, much as
the Oddfellows do, to exclude politics
from their society affairs. Now all
this is changed, and we see the unions,
as unions, not only participating in
party warfare, but doing it openly for
the advantage of their class. The era
of class politics, as distinct from old
fashioned party politics, seems to have
dawned In America as it did in Ger
many and France years ago.
Jack London, in his "Iron Heel,"
prophesies a preliminary victory for
property which he says will rule with
pitiless sway, like Satan In the Book
of Revelations, for about 700 years.
Then the turn of labor will come, and
after that the earth will behold noth
ing but happiness and peace. Unfor
tunately, Jack London's lips, melliflu
ous as they are, have not been sealed
with the divine assurance of veracity,
and it is quite possible that his pre
dictions may fall of fulfillment. Still
there is no denying the fact that even
in the current campaign something
very much like a struggle for predom
inance is on between labor, or certain
representatives of labor, and capital.
Neither Mr. Taft nor his party
wishes to stand for capital as against
labor. Mr. Bryan doubtless does not
wish to stand far labor as against cap
ital. Both candidates would Include
all men and all interests under their
banners if circumstances permitted.
But it seems as if circumstances did
not permit. There are .indications
that Mr. Taft in spite of himself will
be made the champion of civilization
as It has crystallized in property, while
Mr. Bryan and his party are forced
into the position of those who attack
civilization. The attack is as yet
veiled, and Is perhaps not consciously
made. But on the face of things Mr.
Bryan is a reactionary. He stands for
a dead system of thought and exploits
an army of economic ghosts In his
speeches, but for all that labor sees In
him a sympathetic figure and has
made him its champion, or a consider
able fraction of the labor element is
trying to do so.
This is all the stranger when we re
member how much Mr. Taft has done
for labor, both as a Judge and as an
administrator. Toward those who toil
his personal feeling has Invariably
been profoundly sympathetic. He has
upheld the unqualified right of the
unions to exist, to strike and to spread
their influence In all lawful ways. The
only desire of theirs that he has
thwarted is the privilege of boycot
ting. On the other hand. Mr. Bryan
never has had an opportunity 'to do
anything for labor, and if he had had
ever so many his party would not have
permitted him to use them. One or
two pretty sentences in his orations
sum up the entire mass of his services
to the toilers. But. although every
body confesses that this is so, never
theless we behold the amazing specta
cle of labor holding meetings all over
the land to acclaim Bryan and de
nounce Taft. The phenomenon Is in
stinctive and evolutionary. Most of
those who take part in it do not know
what they are doing. They are has
tening the dissolution of the Demo
cratic party, which will almost cer
tainly be succeeded by another much
more socialistic, while the propertied
elements which now support Bryan
will move perforce Into the Republi
can ranks.
Labor unions are not really fighting
Taft. They or their active heads
and agents are fighting for the con
trol of the Government. They are be
ginning a long struggle for the con
quest of the Presidency, the courts,
the Army, the schools and the church.
The turmoil and "blind uncertainty of
Interests In this campaign will pres
ently give way to perfect clearness and
a definite array of combatants. It Is
Just as well that we should face the
facts and reconcile ourselves to the
expectation of a political contest
which may perhaps be obscured for a
time but cannot be extinguished until
it has been fought out and decided.
We have read so much about the
great precautions taken by the for
eign railroads to prevent accidents that
the Impression has become general
that loss of life on a British railroad
is an unusual occurrence. That this
is an error is plainly shown in a re
port Just issued by the British Board
of Trade, showing that In 1907 in the
United Kingdom there were 1117 per
sons killed and 8811 injured, com
pared with a ten-year average of 1160
killed and 8765 injured. This slaugh
ter all took place on 23,101 miles of
road, about one-tenth the mileage op
erated In this country. As the British
lines are practically all double track,
while the American lines are mostly
single track, it is not improbable that
in the circumstances the Americans,
with their heavy trains and high speed
for long distances, make nearly as
good a showing for safety as the for
eigners make with their light "car
riages" and diminutive engines.
Mr. Bryan is quite likely honest in
the sense that he would not rob or de
frajid another of his property. But
that is only one form of honesty. To
be Intellectually honest is, in public
men, no less Important than to be
honest in business relations. The
strength of Mr. Roosevelt before the
people of this country today lies
largely in his Intellectual honesty his
faithful adherence to what he believes
to be right and best for his country.
The weakness of Mr. Bryan lies large
ly In his readiness to give up his polit
ical beliefs whenever he finds them
unpopular. He believes in Govern
ment ownership of railroads, but Is
willing to keep still about It for fear he
will lose votes. At least he Is an ad
vocate of the free coinage of silver,
but abandoned that issue because he
found that it was unpopular. In the
advocacy of political principles he is
not true to himself, hence he cannot
be true to others.
If the Grand Trunk Pacific main
tains the stringent regulations -with
which it has hedged in its new seaport
at Prince Rupert, the most westerly
seaport In Canada may become the
model city of the continent. The pro
vincial government has refused to
grant licenses for the sale of liquor
within 100 miles of the townsite, and
a Dominion immigration official is
permanently stationed there to pre
vent any one from landing who is not
possessed of 310 cash and a good char
acter. These regulations ought to
make Prince Rupert a city without
paupers and drunkards, something un
usual In seaports, especially those of
the Far West.
Mrs. Mary Kelly, whose death oc
curred at Watsonville, Cal., a few days
ago, was for many years a resident of
the East Side. She was a devout
member of Centenary Church, a nurse
of the old-fashioned order, who was
ever ready to respond to the call of
suffering and a woman upon whom
the more severe vicissitudes of life
often pressed heavily. Many to whom,
through her long lifetime she had
ministered will recall her kindness
and helpfulness and drop a tear to her
memory.
The Democrats are strong in their
denunciation of the use of stolen let
ters in a political campaign. They
evidently hope to win sympathy and
weaken the effect of the letters. But
even if the letters were stolen, does
the guilt of the thief lessen the wrong
the letters disclose? If the Demo
cratic campaign managers came into
possession of stolen letters that tend
ed to discredit Hearst, would they fall
to use them? It makes a difference
whose ox Is gored.
A trial Judge Is quoted as saying
that he will not grant a divorce where
the parties do not deem it of sufficient
Importance to grace the court- with
their presence. Perhaps he will say
at another time that he will not grant
a divorce where the parties disgrace
the court with their presence.
Senator Lodge, at Boston, declares
this counry needs a Navy for protec
tion of the Pacific as well as the At
lantic. He says it is the policy of the
Republican party to maintain such
Navy. The Bryan party objects to it
as "imperialism."
Tammany Hall will give 110,000 to
the Bryan fund. Tammany's name
will then lead all the rest, which In
clude Belmont, Taggart, Roger Sulli
van and Haskell. That Democratic
publicity list needs a lot of Judicious
blue-penciling.
One enthusiastic Taft man, home
from New York, took straw votes all
the way across the continent, and re
ports that the results were always for
Taft. Good; but we hope those Taft
men won't forget to quit traveling on
election day.
Common reputation is competent
evidence against an inmate of a house
of ill fame. Why, then, should it not
be competent evidence against a man
who frequents such a place?
A. St. Paul man has invented a
cheap motor car. But who will want
to ride -In It? Most of the fun of au
toraobiling is to own a car a little bet
ter than your neighbor's.
Certainly the man who "can't get
work" will vote for Bryan. He doesn't
want work. Apparently he wants to
fix things so that nobody else can get
work.
The Quakers are the latest to go
after the Speaker, but wooden guns
cannot hurt an old smooth bore.
The weather man, knowing there is
a deficiency of 2.72 inches of rainfall,
got into action yesterday.
Americans will yet conquer the air,
when two of the.m can fall 4000 feet
without injury.
WHT SOT GUARANTEE CROPS ALSO?
Mr. Brraa ot Mlndfnl of the Risks
the Farmera Take.
PORTLAND. Oct. 13. (To the Edi
tor.) I have been reading your paper
so many years it lias almost become
a habit and while the profit to you
has not been great, I believe my time
has not been wasted.
In common with others who devote
some thought to economics, I have al
ways entertained a profound respect
for the able Oregonlan whose leading
articles upon this and kindred subjects
may safely be taken as authoritative.
But It Is with something of a shock,
that I learn that the problems which
have required so much deep study and
labored thought for solution are after
all so very simple, and I am almost
constrained to give over reading The
Oregonlan and hereafter seek enlight
enment in the pages of the Commoner.
) From a casual reading on the sub
ject of Trusts, I had formed the opin
ion that it was one of the most com
plex and deeply involved of both
ancient and modern law, but I learn
from the peerless editor of the Com
moner that a simple enactment of Con
gress that no corporation shall be al
lowed to control more than 50 per
cent of any commodlty entering into
trade will settle the Trust Question.
Why. not try this simple remedy of
the "Old Doctor:" Instead of one giant
corporation like the Standard Oil Com
pany, let us have only two companies;
Instead of the American Tobacco Com
pany, let us have two tobacco com
panies, and, then you will see the fet
ters fall from our Industries.
Then will the people rule. It Is so
simple and easy that I am surprised
that with all your years of study you
never thought of It.
And. again, to avert panics why
stop nt having the Government guar
antee bank deposits?
Why not guarantee the crops. The
country loses more every year from
crop failures than from bank failures,
and surely the farmer who takes his
money and buys seed tr. put In the
ground is as worthy of consideration
as the man who puts his money In the
bank. Why should our farmers take
a greater chance than the bank deposi
tors? Mr. Bryan tells us when the Govern
ment guarantees bank deposits, there
will be no more bank failures and
reasoning by analogy if the Govern
ment guarantees the crops there will
be no more crop failures.
These remedies ars all simple and
easy to take and I would respectfully
ask why we should not try them.
L NEWTON.
EXTREMES OF INTOLERANCE.
The Effort to Drag Religious Questions
Into the Campalsrn. .
The Independent (New York),
The Appeal to Reason is a Journal
which represents the Socialist party.
It declares that it will distribute 1,000,
000 copies of an issue devoted to show
ing that the Republican party is in
league with the Catholic Church, that
tha Catholic Church is the foe of all
liberty, that the settlement of the
friars' land dispute in the Philippines
was a bribe for Catholic votes, and
that Mr. Taft's mission to Rome to
settle the question with the Vatican
was a shocking and servile betrayal of
public trust. AH this does not seem
much to disturb Mr. Taft. In an ad
dress last Sunday before the Young
Men's Christian Association in St. Paul
he takes pleasure in his part in this
business, and says:
I went to Roma and effected a general
understanding as to what was to be done,
and waa prepared when the Apostolic Dele
gate came to the Philippines to close with
him, after a great deal of negotiation, tha
contracts of settlement which, I do not
think it too much to say, brought about a
result which was both Just to tha church
and to the people of the Islands and to
the Government of tho United States in
that Jurisdiction.
I venture to think that but for the spirit
of tolerance both on the part of the Pro
testant denominations and the Roman Cath
olic Church that now prevails in this coun
try such a result could not have been ob
tained. It Is due to the spirit of Christian
tolerance, and It is a condition In which
we should all rejoice.
We stand by Mr. Taft's action In the
friars' land matter. It was his business
to go to Rome, to headquarters, to set
tle the troubles. The attitude of Prot
estants and Catholics was creditable to
both. It is amusing to see these bitter
attacks on the one side for his good
will to Catholics, and from Illinois and
North Carolina almost equal opposition
because he has followed his father's
Unitarian faith. There Is equal Intol
erance from the most extreme opposltes
of faith.
WHY WH NEED THE PHILIPPINES
In the Chinese Boxer War, Where Would
the United States Have Been f
PORTLAND. Oct. - 12. (To the Ed
itor.) This is how one man sees the
Philippines. What would Mr. W. J.
Bryan have done without them?
The estimated cost of the Philippines
to the United States Is about $200,000,
000 and $5,000,000 per year. Mr. Bryan
makes the average man believe that
this is a dead loss to the United States
proper. But here is a very great error.
When the Chinese Boxer trouble
started it was the opinion of every
posted man that when the allied army
would get to China that that would De
the last of the Chinese Empire and that
it would be divided between the Euro
pean powers, because France, England,
Germany and Russia already had pos
sessions which would be enlarged to
suit, and as the United States had al
ready promised the world that the
United States did not want any posses
sions in China, and was only to protect
her citizens and Consulate.
Secretary Hay In his terse demand
notified the powers that whoever took
any Chinese possessions must recognize
the open, door. Who is this that says
must to "the powers of the world? It
was Uncle Sam, with 50,000 tried men
In the Philippines, within 20 hours of
China, which was Just three months
better than any of them could do. And
why did the powers leave as did the
United States? Because- they thought
that if they must give the open doo.
they would not be benefited themselves,
but In the effort to make the United
States pay them duty for every pound
of trade that must go over their pos
sessions to 350.000.000 people who will
shortly waken from their long sleep.
In what" shape would the United
States have been In to protect its In
terests against the conspiracy without
the Philippines, Mr. Bryan?
I, myself, do not think that the
United State's should sell, trade or give
away any of the Philippines, as they
have paid for themselves and do not
owe the United States one cent.
E. W. DYERS.
Influence of Mountains.
London Evening Standard.
The Influence of the mountain is pure
and holy, giving strength and simplicity,
encouraging the older virtues, discourag
ing the newer vices. In the hlllmen of
Walea we see this clearly enough. Go
where you will among the wilder and
more mountainous parts of Wales and
you find that rare Independence and self
reliance which are not marred by a curi
ously defiant discourtesy. You find there
those" who are truly "Nature's gentle-
Mr. Hsrrlmts'i Ncpkcvr, Timekeeper.
Baltimore News.
Henry A. Harriman. nephew of Ed
ward H. Harriman, refused the aid of
his uncle and has obtained a place as
timekeeper at $75 a month on a rail
road In Colorado.
TAFT ON LABOR
Fulr and Candid Explanation of His Action as Jadsre In Various Cases Op
posed the Secondary Boycott. Bat Upheld tee Rigrht of Men 'to Strike
How He Broke Ip the Iron Pipe Combine Why He Sent Phelan to Jail.
From aa AdireBs by Judse Taft before S00O
Railroad Employes in Chicago. September
24. 1908.
I am glad to meet so many members of
organized railroad labor. I have accepted
this opportunity to address an audience
of members of the brotherhoods in order
that I may take up a question which has
been given great prominence In this cam
paign and in which I must say that every
effort has been made unjustly to arouse
the prejudice of organized labor against
the Republican party and its cananiate.
In the first place, I wish to afnrm,
without fear of contradiction, that the
Republican party haa done vastly more
than the Democratic party, both on
state and National regtslntion, for the
protection and In the Interest of labor.
It passed In General Harrison's admin
istration the1 eight-hour law for Govern
ment workmen and gave an impetus to a
reduction of hours in other employment.
The safety appliance acts, by which rail
roads engaged in interstate commerce
were required to make provision for the
safety of their employes and thus to re
duce the shocking loss of life and limb
among railroad employes, were passed in
the same administration. Amendments
to this act making more detailed specifi
cations for improvements in safety ap
pliances, including especially the fire pan,
have been passed in the present admin
istration. Arbitration Also Aided.
An act for the promotion of arbitration
between the railways and their employes
in interstate commerce is also one of
those acts of beneficence to both employer
and employe.
The last Congress enacted a law winch
was declared unconstitutional, and then
in its second session re-enacted the law
to avoid the constitutional objections. By
this act a railway employe who brings
suit for damages against the company
cannot now be defeated on the ground
,that the negligence was the neglignece of
a fellow-servant.
If he Is shown to be guilty of negligence
himself in a slight degree he does not
forfeit his right of action, but it is left
to the Jury to apportion the damages and
reduce them as equity shall justlty.
In addition to this, a law limiting the
hours of labor of interstate railway em
ployes has been passed. A bill was also
passed by the last session of Consress
providing for injuries received in tne
Government employ. It is an inadequate
law, and will doubtless be Improved by
coming Congresses.
Taft Explains Own Relation.
An issue, however, has arisen as to the
attitude of the two parties on the subject
of injunctions In labor disputes.
I propose first to take up my personal
relation to this question. It fell to my
lot to be a Judge of the Superior Court
of Cincinnati for three years ana a Judge
of the United States Circuit Court for tha
Sixth District, Including Michigan, Ohio.
Kentucky and Tennessee for eight years,
and during that time I had to consider a
number of Important cases involving tlis
rights of labor and the rights of the em
ployer, as well as the practice In equity
with reference to the issuing of Injunc
tions in such cases.
The first case was not an injunction
suit at all. A boss bricklayer quarreled
with the union and its members who were
in his employ struck. In order to em
barrass him the union notified all the
local dealers In materials that they would
boycott any firm which furnished him
with material. Moores & Co. had a con
tract to deliver to this boss bricklayer a
lot of lime. In order to avoid trouble
they secured from him a release from the
contract, but he sent his wagon to the
freight station and bought lime out of the
car where Moores & Co. soid lime to any
one who applied. The walking delegate
of the union discovered it and a boycott
was begun.
Moores & Co. were prevented from sell
ing to their usual customers any lime or
other material for a great number of
months and suffered a severe financial
loss to their business. They sued for
damages and the case was tried before
a Jury. The Jury returned a verdict for
$2500.
Now, K-entlemen, In that case I held
and decided, with two colleagues, that
a secondary boycott waa an unlawful
Injury whether It waa perpetrated by
laborer men or otherwise. That la the
law today, and, my friends, It on&ht
to be the law.
I know that this is not the view of
Mr. Gompers, but I am glad to know
that there is a difference In organized
labor upon this question.
Takes Up the Ann Arbor Case.
The Toledo and Ann Arbor railroad
was in a dispute with its employes,
who were members of the Brotherhood
of Locomotive Engineers and a strike
by the engineers followed.
It was understood by the Toledo and
Ann Arbor road that the Brotherhood
of Engineers on the Lake Shore were
going to refuse to haul their cars and
that the Lake Shore road for that rea
son would acquiesce in this action. Ac
cordingly the Toledo and Ann Arbor
road applied to Judge Ricks to enjoin
the Lake Shore Railroad Company, its
officers and employes from refusing to
haul Toledo and Ann Arbor cars. He
did so in accordance with the inter
state commerce law.
After that, Mr. Arthur, the head of
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engi
neers, complying with a secret rule
12 then in force in the order which
forbade the engineers on . one road,
members of the order, to haul the cars
of another road when the order had a
strike on the latter road, issued a no
tice to the engineers of the Lake Shore
that the strike on the Toledo and Ann
Arbor was approved as required by the
rules of the order and that they should
proceed to enforce rule ' 12, which
meant that they should refuse to haul
the cars of the Toledo and Ann Arbor
railroad.
It was a secondary boycott and it
was a direct violation of the Federal
statute which Imposed a punishment by
fine and Imprisonment for its violation.
I required Mr. Arthur to withdraw
the telegram which he had issued to
his men in respect to rule 12 and with
in a short period I gave him a hearing.
Mr. Arthur had promptly complied with
my order and never did disobey it. The
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers
then repealed the rule and it has never
been enforced since so far as I know.
Punishes Boycott's Instlgntor.
The third case was the Phelan case.
It grew out of the attempt of the
American Railway Union and Eugene
Debs to starve the country by stopping
all the railroads and thus compel the
Pullman company to pay higher wages
to its employes. Neither the starving
country nor the railroads has control
over Mr. Pullman. Some railroads had
contracts with him for carrying his
cars. They were not Justified In break
ing those contracts.
In other words the action against the
railroad companies by Debs and by his
lieutenant Phelan, was a secondary
boycott. At this time the Cincinnati
Southern railroad was being operated
by a receiver under my orders as
United States Circuit Judge.
Phelan knew this and was warned of
it. He held meetings of the Cincinnati
Southern railroad employes and ad
vised them to strike and tie up the
road and by hints and winks and side
remarks he instigated them to violence.
On an affidavit charging him with
contempt In attempting by such meth
ods to defeat the order of the court di
recting the receiver to run the road he
was brought into court. The evidence
clearly established his guiit. I there- j
AND INJUNCTIONS
fore sentences him to Jail for six
months.
Injunction Works Both Ways.
There waa one snore Injunction aalt
to which I have made reference, but in
which the operation of the Injunction
wns not ua-nlnat laboring; people, but
against a combination of Iron plpe
manufacturers, who, residing la noma
11 stntes, divided up the territory and
by their agreements maintained tha
prices of Iron pipe nt an exorbltaat
figure, monopolising the whole produc
tion within those states, and divided
the profits of thta arraagement between
the naembera of the combination.
A suit was brought in the Circuit
Court and an application made by the
United States for an Injunction to en
join the combination from proceeding
and to break it up. The circuit judge
held that there was no power to Issue
such an Injunction and no jurisdiction
in the court to grant such a remedy.
I sat la the Court of Appeals to en
tertain nn appeal by the 4overnment
from the decision of the Circuit Court
and rendered the opinion of the Circuit
Court of Appenls. We there decided
that an Injunction would Issue, and the
combination was broken up.
The case waa subsequently carried
to the Supreme Court of the United
Stntes and the judgment was affirmed.
I merely instance this to thaw that
the Injunction works both waya, and
that It Is useful both In keeping; laiv
less lnborlns; men nnd lawless capital
ists within the law.
Taft Simply Fulfills Duty.
Mr. Bryan says I am the father of
injunctions in industrial causes. This
is not true. The use of the Injunction
was in accordance with precedence In '
a number of cases which I cited, both
in the Arthur case and In the Phelan
case. I am not apologizing for what I
did In these cases, for they were in ac
cordance with my duty as a judge.
Another point which I distinctly' de
cided in these esses waa that no tempo
rary restraining; order or Injunction
could Issue to prevent a man's lenvlug;
the employ of a railway and therefore
that no Injunction could issue to re
strain men from acting In concert aad
going on strike..
Objection Is made to the use of the
injunction In such disputes. All I have
to say on that point is that precedent
Justifies it, and that the man whose
business is injured by unlawful action
of former employes frequently has no
other remedy which is at all adequate
The owner of a business, whether
railroad business or any other. Is en
titled to be protected In his pursuit of
it, and to Immunity from unlawful in
jury to it. To take away from him the
remedy by injunction which has al
ways been his, merely because it some
times leads to the punishment of those
who violate the injunction without
trial by Jury is to introduce Into the
law class legislation In favor of em
ployes and laboring men, and is to
take them out of the ordinary opera
tion of the civil remedies because they
are laborers. 1 say that that kind of
class legislation is pernicious.
Quick Hearing; Is Gunrnntred.
Objection is made to the issuing of
injunctions without notice. There is
opportunity for abuse in such a prac
tice, though there are cases where no
other remedy seems adequate. I have
been wllllno-. nevertheless, to ndopt a
rule by which notice shnll be required
before the lssufnc- of any Injunction
temporary r otherwise. The Republi
can convention, however, thought it
wiser that the best present practice
should be embodied in a statute in or
der to bring the matter to the attention
of the court, and that in that' way fu
ture abuses could be avoided. I hope
and believe that this Is true.
L'nder the Republican platform a
statute ran pass, and ought to pass,
which shall not allow a temporary' re
straining order to Issue and have effect
for more thnn 4S hours, unless a benr
Ing can be bad during ihe 48 hours ex
tending the operation of the injunction.
The Democratic platform does not
give any remedy with respect to notice
It merely resolves that injunctions
ought not to be issued in industrial dis
putes where they would not Issue in
other disputes. This is either mean
ingless or deceitful.
The provision In the Democratic plat
form that a trial by Jury should be al
lowed In all cases in which a charge
of contempt is made for violation of the
orders of the court outside of the pres
ence of the judge would greatly weaken
the power of the court. To introduce a
Jury trial between a final order and Its
enforcement and between the routine
orders bringing witnesses and jurors
Into court would so hamper the ad
ministration of justice as to make the
courts a laughing-stock.
It may be popular to suggest such
a change. It may attract the support
and approval of those who do not un
derstand its real effect; but so long as
I have power of expression, and with
out regard to how It may affect me po
litically, I shall lift my voice in protest
against such a destructive step in our
Judicial procedure. ,
Regards Laborers aa Friends.
It has been sought to give the Im
pression that this record of mine as a
judge shows that I am unfriendly to
labor. Nothing could be farther from
the fact. As the executive in charge of
the work on the Pnnama Canal I have
had under ine for four years upwards
of 30,000 laborers. It hns given me
pleasure to devote a great deal of my
time to the consideration of the welfare
aa well as of the pay of the men em
ployed under the Government la that
great enterprise.
Regulation, Not Persecution.
'We are interested in that legislation
against the railroad should be Just and
only properly restrictive. We are in
terested that there should not be un
just and drastic legislation preventing
their earning proper income. We are
all interestea. of course, that they
should charge only proper rates, but
we are also interested that they should
not be made to do business on less than
Just rates.
I have noticed with a great deal of
interest that the railroad laboring men
are beginning to realize that the pros
perity of the railroads is as much In
their interest as it is in the interest
of the stockholders and the officers ol
the road, and that they propose here
after to be heard upon the political Is
sue as to the character of the legisla
tion that shall be passed with reference
to the regulation of railroads.
The whole country Is dependent upon
the prosoerity of the railroads. The
truth is, that the railroads are the
greatest single market that we have
for manufactured products. We are all
interested, therefore, that the credit of
the railroads should be such as to en
able them to borrow the money with
which to carry on constructive work.
Is It not apparent to you, therefore,
that the election of Mr. Brynn to the
powerful office of President, with his
unstnble finunclal theories nnd his un
certain economic propositions will con
vince every one having; capital to In
vest that the business future of the
country Is uncertain and that it la safer
to withhold thrlr money r
I submit to those most Interestea. to
this intelligent audience, that this is the
issue of the full dinner pall that ougnc
to make them for a third time reject
Mr. Bryan's claim to be elected to the
Presidency as a helpful friend tf the
workingman.
'fa
r