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THE MOHNING OUEGOXIAN, THURSDAY, .JULY 12, ISffl).
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PORTLAND, THURSDAY, JULY 12.
Buspense regarding the attitude of
independent press of the country
sward the two serious candidates for
ie Presidency will be relieved upon
il of extracts printed in the sixth
jlumn of this page. The platforms
ire in type, the candidates are named.
ie Issue is drawn, and without a mo-
lent's hesitation the decision falls. It
is adverse to Bryan, it Is favorable to
icKlnley. "With all his virtues, Bryan
is impossible. "With all his faults, Mc-
Inley Is necessary. There is some
thing humiliating in the reflection that
IcKlnley is the best we are permitted
have; but there is much reassurance
in the knowledge that the graver men-
laces of Bryanism are so Instantly and
30 clearly apprehended. To the Inde-
I pendent press, the papers that support
ed Cleveland in 1892 and McKinley in
L896, there is no vision of safety In the
EKansas City programme, its Ideas or
fits nominee. This list includes the New
York Times, Baltimore Sun, New Tork
World, Brooklyn Eagle, New Tork
Journal of Commerce, Philadelphia
Public Ledger, Boston Herald. Har
per's "Weekly might be added to the
list. The New Tork Evening Post, the
day after Bryan's nomination, Is non
committal, though censorious of the
Kansas City proceeding. , The only
noteworthy independent Journal declin
ing to array Itself against Bryanism of
11900 Is the Springfield Republican,
whose heart Is touched, as it was In
1896. by the 'appeal the Kansas City
platform, makes to Its deep-seated so
cialism. The Republican Is the Ed
ward Bellamy of modern Journalism,
and for Bryan's war on the established
order It is disposed to forgive his other
offenses against facts and principles.
The pangs it suffered in the McKinley
column in 1896 were poignant, and
doubtless last in memory. Perhaps it
will purchase surcease of them this
year with gulps of anti-everything and
ignoration of the financial issue.
It will shock the Bryanites that the
skillfully adjusted bait of their "para
mount Issue" plank Is so promptly re
fused by the antl-imperlallsts, for
whom it was laboriously and prayer
full devised. Not that the anti-lm-perialists
are not anti-imperialists still.
But they discern that saying a thing
Is the paramount Issue does not make
It so. They think of imperialism, and
they are Indignant; but then they think
of the rotten Chicago platform and the
unspeakable misery and dishonor of
free coinage, and they forget every
thing else. So long as the money
standard is assailed, so long as the
right of man in his savings is threat
ened, there is no other issue. As the
Baltimore Sun regretfully and, cogently
puts it, the country has been deprived
of its anticipated opportunity to vote
upon the subject of imperialism. The
vote of November will not be upon im
perialism, but upon financial honor and
support of law and order. Insistence
upon 16 to 1 has, as the Boston Herald
observes, destroyed the last spark of
confidence conservative men have cher
ished in the capacity of the Demo
cratic party to govern. It should, says
the Brooklyn Eagle, make Bryan's
election impossible.
Never mind about the platforms.
They are collections of apologies, pro
testations, professions, promises. The
question is not what a party professes,
but what it will do: not in its accusa
tions against its enemy or its exalted
encomium upon Itself, but what it
stards for. Otherwise, we should be In
sad case. Otherwise, the platforms
would be mutually destructive; perhaps
we should say self-destructive. There
is that in the Philadelphia platform
and in the Kansas City platform that
makes it impossible for the man who
is both honest and thoughtful to sup
port either. That is, if the platforms
were the whole question. But they are
not The universe apprehended by the
American citizen, rank and file, is al
together concrete. He lives in a world,
not of principles, but of men and things,
especially men. That is, there is for
this average man, rank and file, only
the choice between a. McKinley world
and a Bryan world. In one, money
will be sound, savings secure, riot pun
ished. National honor and sovereignty
upheld. In the other, everything that
is will he recognized as wrong and up
set. The man upon whom the law and
society and the evolution of commerce
and manufactures have set the seal of
disapproval and pressed the stamp of
unfitness is tc be made the hero and
the beneficiary of treasure drawn by
taxation from production. This raid
on property and war on integrity of
honest debts and challenge to suppres
sion of riotous discontent is the fun
damental and the fatal genius of Bry
anism. No organ of public opinion that
is closely connected with the social fab
ric, its earnings, its manners, its insti
tutions, its ideals of individualism and
fair play can extend aid and comfort
to the forces that rally around the
Kansas City standards. To say that
there is a free choice in this matter is
to be reckless with words. The course
of the Independent press is imperative.
Ambitious politicians must come to so
ciety with some plan of action other
than its destruction.
The sensation over the attempt on
the President's life that was not made
is the necessary product of the new
Journalism. The penny-dreadful can
not possibly go to press -without a sen
sation. If fact fails to supply one. Im
agination must One is fain to believe
such btralning after effect, with its cer
tain disappointments, must in the end
work its own undoing. There must
still be a considerable body of the peo
ple who require information rather
than excitement.
PSYCHOLOGY OP "THE CROWD."
It has been noted that the substitu-
tion of the unconscious action of crowds
for the conscious activity of individuals
is one of the principal characteristics
of the present age. Such tendency has
indeed been noted ever since hlBtory
began to make a record; but it is clear
ly growing, under the concentration of
the forces of civilization. "The Psy
chology of Crazes" is the subject of a
study by Professor G. T. W. Patrick, in
the July Issue of the Popular Science
Monthly. Why crazes, religious, polit
ical, social, in one form or another,
sweep over the country with increasing
frequency, is certainly an Interesting
inquiry. Formerly such welter of the
human mind had a religious origin and
character, chiefly. In our times it has,
mainly, a socialistic and material basis.
But the mental epidemic has innumer
able forms. Professor Patrick men
tions the tulip mania in Holland, the
Dewey welcome in New Tork, and the
kissing experience of Hobson, as minor
incidents.
It is evident, as Professor Patrick
says, that the craze is the result of so
cial excitement under which the nor
mal individual becomes imitative, while
something takes place in his brain akin
to hypnotism, the higher faculties being
inactive and the mind resembling that
of the primitive man or the child. His
reasoning and deliberative faculties are
dormant, and he acts with a desire to
immediate rather than remote ends.
He craves action and excitement, and
1b prone to disregard the consequences.
He becomes unconscious of himself and
forgets "where he is at" Crowds are
always unconscious, more or less, and
in most of their acts they display a sin
gularly inferior mentality; yet there are
other acts in which they appear to be
guided by those mysterious forces
which have often been denominated des
tiny, nature or Providence, whose pow
er it is Impossible to overlook. The en
trance of the popular classes Into po
litical life Immensely Increases the fre
quency and Intensity of these move
ments. But whatever the source of the"
excitement, there is disappearance of
conscious personality; a collective mind
is formed; the gathering, through un
conscious organization, becomes a psy
chological crowd, and is subjected
quickly, often completely, to a law of
mental unity, under which the individ
ual becomes an automaton and ceases
to be guided by his will. Isolated, the
man may be a cultivated Individual,
acting from Judgment and from a sense
of responsibility; but in a crowd he be
comes a barbarian that is, a creature
acting from Instinct He possesses
the spontaneity, the violence, the fe
rocity, and also the enthusiasm and he
roism, of primitive beings, whom he
further tends to resemble by the facil
ity with which he allows himself to be
Impressed by empty words and false
images which would be rejected as
rubbish by the isolated individuals
composing the crowd. In such circum
stances he will commit acts contrary to
his most obvious Interests and best
known habits. We have seen a great
political convention, only last week,
adopt a platform, under the pressure of
this influence, which a great majority
of the members, taken one by one, are
known to disapprove. Action like this
proceeds from a phase of mind that
may be called collective hallucination.
When the man yields to the crowd
and unites himself with It, the faculty
of observation and the critical spirit
possessed by him, individually, disap
pear. The crowd is impulsive and mo
bile; It Is open to every suggestion; is
at the mercy of all external and excit
ing causes, and reflects their Incessant
variations; it Is excessively credulous,
and the Images evoked In the collective
mind by the orator are eagerly accept
ed as realities; illusion becomes more
powerful than clearest truth. No ob
stacle Is considered or restraint toler
ated; the crowd will not admit that
anything can come between its desire
and the realization of its desire, and
an unexpected obstacle will be de
stroyed, If possible, with frenzied rage.
In all history, . one man only has ap
peared who knew how to rule the
crowd the name of him. Napoleon
Bonaparte.
Fundamental characteristics of race
appear in all these movements, in vari
ous countries. Between a Latin crowd
and a Teutonic or Anglo-Saxon orowd
the difference is striking; for it is sel
dom that members of the latter lose en
tire self-consciousness and self-control
whence their popular movements are
not so Intense or extreme. A "psycho
logical crowd" may be raised In France
on much less occasion than In England;
yet England Is not wholly phlegmatic,
as the excessive and even absurd Ju
bilations over a matter of so small Im
portance as the relief of Mafeklng,
prove. One might have supposed from
the Intensity of this demonstration that
the English people believed the fate of
the empire had depended on the relief
of Mafeklng.
The danger from "the crowd" is al
ways great; but the quality of the hu
man mind that makes its movements
possible may be indispensable as a pre
ventive In the multitude of Intellectual
stagnation.
PREFERS M'KINLEY TO BRYA7C.
The Springfield Republican is severe
In the expression of its disappointment
that United States Senator Hoar, who
has denounced the policy of the Mc
Kinley Administration as "utterly sub
versive of popular institutions, and as
dating the death of the Republic, if
persisted In," Is now ready to vote to
continue this Administration in power.
The action of Senator Hoar is contrast
ed with that of Senator Sumner in 1872,
who not only bitterly denounced the
policy and the character of the Grant
Administration before the nominations,
but threw his influence against the Re
publican ticket In the election. The
Republican praises Sumner as a man
who voted as he talked, and stigma
tizes Mr. Hoar as ready to vote In di
rect opposition to the persuasions of
his own eloquence. The Republican
compares the attitude of Mr. Hoar to
that of Webster In 1846, when that
great statesman for the first time sided
with the "Cotton" as opposed to the
"Conscience" Whigs, saying that "in
the dark and troubled night that is
upon us I see no star above the horizon
promising light to guide us but the in
telligent, patriotic, united Whig party
of the United States."
I These words are quoted as descrlp-
tlye of Mr, Hoar's present attitude by
the " Republican, which holds Hoar's
faith in party to be absurdly groundless
as compared with Webster's, because
the Whig party had not created the
question, and the policy which had
thrown the country Into a dark and
troubled night, while "Mr. Hoar's party
is alone responsible In the present case,
and has declared Its determination to
continue as it has begun." The Re
publican is not fair in its contrast of
Senator Hoar with Sumner, nor in its
comparison of Senator Hoar with Web
ster. Senator Hoar defends his sup
port of the Republican National ticket
as follows:
I was and still am opposed to the policy
which brought on the war in the Philippine
Islands. I like the policy which, baa been and
Is to be pursued In Cuba. I am willing now
to test the two methods by their results. But
I nave never Questioned the honesty of purpose
of President McKinley and the Republican,
leaders who agreed with him. The past can
not be undone. I think the future of the
Philippine Islands safer in the hands of Mr.
McKinley than of Mr. Bryan.
Mr. Hoar further says that Bryan's
election will mean the overturn of our
wonderful prosperity; a dishonest, fluc
tuating currency; great diminution of
the value of all debts; the overthrow
of the authority of the Supreme Court;
a dangerous attack on property; so
cialism. In other words, Senator Hoar,
while doubtful about President Mc
Klnley's policy in the Philippines, has
no doubt and no question that the pol
icy of the Republican party deserves
the support of every good citizen.
Senator Hoar has fearlessly asserted
his right to criticise the policy of his
own party, but he believes In seeking
reform within the lines of his own party
rather than in the camp of the political,
and social enemies of mankind. This
attitude of Mr. Hoar is creditable to his
good sense and to his patriotism. It
Is exactly the defense which Senator
Edmunds made in 1SS4, when he voted
for Blaine, for whom he felt so strong
personal dislike and distrust that he
did his best to prevent his nomination,
and made but a single speech in the
whole campaign, the burden of which
was that the country was safer under
any Republican Administration than It
was under the best possible Democratic
President
The contrast between Sumner's con
duct in 1872 and that of Senator Hoar
today is not historically Just, for Sum
ner's opposition to Grant's policy dated
from his bitter personal dislike for
President Grant and Secretary Fish,
which had Its origin in Grant's recall
of Mr. Motley as Minister to England,
despite the personal protest of Mr.
Sumner. Mr. Sumner refused to speak
to Grant or Fish even In official inter
course, and in a shameful speech in the
Senate denounced Grant as "a Borgia,
a Farnese or a Barberlnl, founding a
family by offices and endowments; a
Caesar plotting against the life of the
Republic"
On the other hand. Senator Hoar has
always spoken in public and, private
in the most affectionate terms of Presi
dent McKinley. The bitter personal
hostility of Sumner toward Grant made
it impossible for him to support Grant
for renomlnation or re-election, for If
he believed Grant to be a Borgia, he
had no moral business to help renomi
nate and re-elect him; but Senator
Hoar has never failed in expressions of
personal affection and trust in Presi
dent McKinley, while he has been se
vere in his denunciation of his Philip
pine policy. Senator Hoar can fairly
plead and vote for McKinley, for he
loves and trusts him; hut Sumner couldn
not work and vote for a man whom
he had painted as a political scoundrel
and a military autocrat
AN UNPROMISING PROJECT.
After a long and vexatious delay, the
War Department has taken up the Phil
ippine tariff schedule, but the plan pro
posed for amendment does not promise
improvement of the situation. Copies
of all the tariffs of the world, special
reports submitted to Congress by ex
perts when the recent tariff laws were
framed, and all communications to the
War Department on the subject of Phil
ippine revision. Including those of the
Portland Chamber of Commerce, have
been forwarded to a commission of
Army officers at Manila, with a recom
mendation by Clarence R. Edwards,
Chief of the Insular Division, that
"some of the complicated surcharges
be abandoned," and that the new tariff
be "made to conform as closely as pos
sible In the classification to the Amer
ican tariff schedules." The Washing
ton correspondent of the New Tork
Journal of Commerce thus vaguely
forecasts the probable action of the
commission;
It is not expected that the board at Manila.
will follow the American tariff in regard to
rates. They are expected to make rates liberal
enough upon articles which are largely pro
duced in the United States to encourage their
importation and to adapt the schedules to the
peculiar conditions of a tropical and agricul
tural country needlnr railway and industrial
development. The tariff will be uniform against
all nations, lnoludlng the United States, under
the policy of "the open door' and tho pledges
given to Spain by the treaty of Paris, but this
will not prevent the adoption of low rates "upon
olasses of articles of which the. United Stales
are large competing 'producers.
A serious blunder is made at the out
set In charging Army officers with re
vision of the tariff. This Is the work
of civilians, not of soldiers. Army of
ficers are not profound students of po
litical economy. They are not equipped
by business experience to grapple with
the abolition of sur-taxes, the substi
tution of certified Invoices for the ar
bitrary book of valuations, methodB of
meeting European competition and
other aspects of the Philippine trade
problem. In the second place, the only
tariff law that is legally applicable to
the Philippines is the Dingiey act, in
defensible though it be from the mod
ern 'commercial viewpoint The islands
are American territory, and the Ding
ley act Is the tariff law of the land.
It Is the tariff law of Luzon in the
same degree that it is the tariff law
of New Tork and Oregon.
No benefit will come to us by mak
ing the new tariff "uniform against all
nations, including the United States."
This k is precisely the operation of the
present tariff, which is a legacy from
Spain. Imports from the United States
are on the same footing as imports
from Europe. All are subject to the
same arbitrary valuation, the same
high duties and the same barbarous
sur-taxes, and all go to the consumer
weighted with oppressive Government
charges added to original landed cost
Spain is entitled to equality with the
United States, for we guaranteed In
the peace treaty with her that for ten
years following the exchange of rati
fications we would "admit Spanish
ships and merchandise -to the ports of
the Philippine Islands on the same
terms as ships and merchandise of the
United States." We are bound to ad
mit the products of Spain on even
terms with our own, but we owe noth
ing of the kind to the reBt of the world.
Europe has long controlled the trade
of the Philippines. Favored by low cost
of production, cheaper freight rates
than America gets, long-established
houses, superior packing and casing of
goods, and knowledge of the class of
products for which there Is demand, Its
merchants undersell us right and left
and occupy the field. Continue the
even footing they now possess, and
they will hold the trade against us,
and the Philippines will be an Ameri
can possession for foreign commercial
exploitation. We furnish the consum
ers, and Europe the goods.
The Philippines are a part of the
United States, and are our commercial
field. They are entitled to a tariff law
that will give our products to them
without duty, and give their products
to us without duty. They are entitled
to a law that 1b the making of Congress,
and not of an Army commission. The
Dingiey law meets the situation. While
It is not to be commended as our per
manent tariff policy. It is the best we
have to offer, and should be extended
to the Philippines. The tariff which.
is being arranged under the supervision
of the Insular Division of the War De
partment, whether the schedules be
high or low, whether all the sur-taxes
be abolished or only a part of them.
Is vicious In principle, Unconstitutional,
and as objectionable as that other in
iquity, the Porto Rico tariff.
It is yet too early In the season to
forebode that hops from vines that are
clean and well laden will not be picked
this Fall. Scarcity of labor, it is said,
will make It difficult to secure pickers
at rates that growers can afford to pay.
It would certainly seem foolish for the
large number of persons in farming
communities who have come to con
sider the hop-picking season their spe
cial harvest time to stand out for 40
cents a box, with the alternative be
fore them of 20 cents or nitpicking. It
is yet fully two months before the hop
harvest begins, and the conditions that
will then prevail it Is now impossible
to determine. All that can be said at
present Is that the yield in many yards
promises well, while the outlook for
prices is not encouraging. The labor
factor enters strongly Into the profit
and oss estimates of growers, and it
is idle to suppose that they will har
vest at a high price if it Is apparent
that they must sell at low figures. Be
yond this, all at present Is conjecture.
It may be hoped, however, for the sake
of the large number of persons to whom
"hop money" means substantial addi
tion to home comforts and modest luxu
ries, as well as for those whose labor
and capital are invested in hopyards,
that the harvest will be plentiful and
laborers In good supply when the time
comes.
The Bryan paper at Roseburg has one
Jubilating remark to make over the
Kansas City ticket "Adlal and his
little ax are dear to the Democratic
heart" This refers, of course, to the
facility with which Stevenson, as As
sistant Postmaster-General In Presi
dent Cleveland's first Administration,
chopped off the heads of Republican
Postmasters. Stevenson Tendered the
country no other service, but in the
Bryanite mind there is firm conviction
that the man who hands out the loaves
and fishes is greater than a strong
willed President like Cleveland, who
puts down riot, maintains order and
protects the Nation's financial honor.
The honesty of the "people's papers"
is something they delight to dwell
upon. In contrast to the ','doctored serv
ice" of the great newspapers. But
here we have one of these delightful
papers, the Medford Enquirer, report
ing that amid "great enthusiasm" the
Kansas City convention nominated
David B. Hill, of New Tork, for Vice
President by acclamation," and it
prints Bryan and Hill at the head of
Its columns as its "standard-bearers."
The Enquirer has no use for the grasp
ing telegraph companies. It prefers Its
own grapevine, which is beyond the in
fluence of the sordid and Insincere.
Nothing has done so much to give
a tinge of responsibility to Bryanism
as Admiral Dewey's widely advertised
willingness to receive a nomination at
the New Democracy's hands. No hu
man being so much as he could hope
to rescue them from the disrepute Into
which tht Chicago platform sank them.
But the mention of the Manila hero's
name provoked not a solitary cheer
from the Kansas City convention. The
Admiral needed to be taught that fidel
ity to Bryan, not loyalty to the flag, Is
now the test of patriotism.
It Is a favorite Bryan tocsin that en
largement or concentration of capital
necessarily reduces the number of em
ployes. We have an Illustration of the
fallacy of this principle from, the report
of the Interstate Commerce Commis
sion for 1699. Railroad capitalization
on June 30, 1S96. was 510,566,865,771;
June SO, 1898, it was 511,033,954,898, an
Increase of 5467,089,127 In four years.
The number of men employed by
American railroads in 1896 was 826,620;
in 1899 it was 928,924, an Increase of
102,204.
In I860 both the Douglas and Breck
inridge platforms asserted that "the
Democratic party Is In favor of the ac
quisition of the Island of Cuba," and
in the Democratic platform of 1884 we
find these words:
We recall the acquisition of Louisiana, Flor
ida, California and the adjacent Mexican ter
ritory, and contrast these grand acquisitions
of Democratic statesmanship with the purchase
of Alaska, tho sole fruit of a Republican Ad
ministration of nearly a quarter of a century.
Our withered Astor seems about
ready to fall from the stem. His career
Is consistent In earning the cordial un
friendliness of all decent society, re
gardless of nationality.
WITHOUT A PARALLEL.
Brj-aas Ascendency and the
Snb-
xnlssion of His Party.
Brooklyn Eagle. Ind.-Dem.
The New York Journal and the New
Tork World, the one friendly and the
other not unfriendly to Mr. Bryan, agree
In saying that 'three-fourths of tho dele
gates at Kansas City wanted 18 to 1
left out of the platform." They further
agree in saying that it was put In, with
absolute unanimity, against the wishes
and convictions of three-fourths of the
delegates, on the personal Insistence of
Mr. Bryan and on his threat to withdraw
as a candidate, if it were left out
Whether this measures the domlnancy
of a man or the pusillanimity of a con
vention, or both. It is a very remarkable
fact in the world. No nominee ever had
so muoh power over a party, or if he
did, ever exercised it so absolutely. No
other party ever made so utter arid ab
ject a surrender of Its convictions to a
man. It paralyzes all precedents of des
potism and submission. It can be ex
plained only by confidence in thfji infalli
bility of Mr. Bryan or by such a degra
dation and decadence of -spirit amount
ing to degeneration, in a party as never
before was exhibited.
The effect of Bryanism on Democracy
In four years is suggestive. There was
only one candidate for the Presidency
in tho party at Kansas City, The idea
that any other Democrat in the United
State3 was to be considered with'" refer
ence to the nomination Obtained no
where. A more lamentable destitution
of Presidential capacity In a political
party could not be conceived. A more
complete displacement of statesmen
from consideration could not be imag
ined. A more mortifying confession of
the reduction of the party to a Thespian
dreamer, who is also a fanatical egotist,
could not be registered.
When the sober sense of the quiet peo
ple of the United States is brought to
bear upon the situation the effect should
be educational. There never was any
thing like it before in poUtics: There
should never be anything like it again.
t
. DON'T WORK FOR UNCLE SAM.
He Is an Exacting Boas and a Poor
Paymaster.
Chicago Times-Herald.
The educated young man who aspires
to enter the government service will find
no stimulus for his ambition in that di
rection in the article by A Maurice Low
in the July Forum. A serious discus
sion of the question, "Does Government
Service Pay?" would hardly seem neces
sary for those who are familiar with our
political system or who havo taken the
trouble to Investigate the salaries paid in
the various departments of our civil serv
ice establishment It3 pecuniary rewards
are known to be Inadequate to command
the highest ability, but nevertheless there
Is an ever increasing army of applicants
for place, all Impelled by the notion that
the service offers a field of unexampled
opportunity for young men.
Mr. Low take3 the young man who
secures a government clerkship at 21, af
ter passing the civil service examination,
commanding a salary of 5000, and follows
him on up through various promotions
until he becomes chief of a hureau at
$2100 a year. So far he has done very
well. As a clerk, without responsibility,
he has worked a less number of houra
per day and received better pay than
most clerks In other departments of busi
ness. Tho clerk at $1200, 51400, $1600 or
51S0O Is well paid, especially so when It
is remembered that a lieutenant in the
Navy, on whose vigilance and skill rest
the lives of several hundred men and
property worth hundreds of thousands of
I dollars, receives only 51800 a year.
But there Is a wide gap between the
duties the government requires of an
51S00 clerk and the responsibilities that
must be assumed by tho chief of a bu
reau at 52100. The chief of a bureau in
the State Department or Treasury De
partment at a salary of 52100 or 53000,
has great responsibility, and tho work
requires a high order of executive abil
ity and sound Judgment It is easily
seen that the salary does not keep pace
with the technical knowledge required.
As the scale ascends tho disproportion
becomes even more marked. The First
Assistant Postmaster-General receives
a salary of only $4000 a year, as do the
Second and Third Assistant Secretaries of
State and the various Auditors. More
over, the clerk, after reaching such a
position, is subject to the hazards of
our spoils system. As a chief of a bu
reau his tenure of position Is not so
secure as when he was an 51S00 clerk.
At this point Mr. Low draws a com
parison between our civil service and
that of Great Britain, In which he shows
the great Inducements which the English
service offers to ambitious men of brains.
It is noted that in the English service
salaries Increase with the responsibilities
and length of service, many departmental
clerks and officers receiving as high as
59090. according to the expert knowledge
required. The conclusion of Mr. Low is
this: In the English service the sub
ordinate salaries are lower than in the
American service, but the higher officials
In England are better paid. In England
the incentive to a subordinate to go to
the top is high: in the United States the
man in the government is better off a3
a clerk or a subordinate.
HIGH PRICE FOR BOER PLANK.
Did They Count the Cost of Offending
British Cltlxens?
Chicago Times-Herald.
In all the Republican platform there is
not a word to offend any nationality.
Irishmen and Germans, Englishmen and
Scandinavians can read it from beginning
to end without having their blood rlso
In protest against some slur upon their
race and upon their native land.
But unfortunately this cannot be said
of the resolutions adopted at Kansas
City. The Democrats so far forgot them
selves as to make a. direct attack upon
a nation whose sons are numbered by
hundreds of thousands In this country.
In a reckless effort at demagogy which
deceives no one they have repelled the
great majority of our citizens who are
of British or Canadian birth or par
entage. A very little consideration shows how
absolutely fatuous their policy nas Deep.
The Boer plank In their platform will
fall as a vote catcher because it is simply
an expression of opinion on foreign poll
tics. It makes no pledge for the party
of any kind. There Is no undertaking to
change the course of the Administration
in matters South African if the Demo
crats should win at the polls. So for
this pretense of sympathy the voter of
non-British origin Is asked to abandon
his convictions concerning the currency
and to welcome the ruin of free silver.
Never was there a more preposterous de
mand or a more Impossible issue.
But while the bait for other national
ities is worthless, the references to Eng
land will sting Americans of British
parentage to the quick. It is such a chal
lenge to them as no German on Irish
man would stand for a moment and is
fairly amazing in stupidity, as will bo
seen by certain facts and figures. We
have said that there were hundreds of
thousands of citizens of British blood In
the country, but that hardly does jus
tice to the actual number. Of English
men, Scotchmen and Colonials there aro
more than 2,000,000. and their grown sons
of American birth must come intc the
account also. Moreover, during 25 years
the trend of these people has been to
ward the Democratic party. They con
tributed a great deal to the success of
Cleveland and were worth holding or
winning back.
But now they are gratuitously affronted
with sounding .brass that does no one
any good, and naturally 'Hy -will support
the Republican ticket They will give it
thousands of votes where votes are des
perately needed by Mr. Bryan. t
m
MEN AND WOMEN.
In Missouri there is a Dr. Plgg. who has Just
had his name chanred to Peak, and who.
oddly enough, la a cousin cl cx-Govemor Hog?,
of Texas.
Among a collection of autographs recently
sold In Berlin Is a lcttei written by the late
Emperor Frederick. In which he expresses his
strong: dislike for court ceremonials and royal
life in general.
Charles V. Cusachs, of New Orleans, In
structor In the French and Spanish depart-'
ments of Harvard University, who has Just
been appointed to the chair Of Spanish at the
United States Naval Academy, Is only 25 years
old. (
Amour roysl women Queen Amelia of Portu
gal and the Crowti Princess of Denmark are
the tallest though? the Duchess o York Is
above the average-Jielsbt. In England the av
erage U five feetalx. Inohes, but In America
It is two inches leas, Hfeuperlorlty of the
English being account dJr Jby'helr love of
outdoor exercise. 1
Senator Foraker, otOhla, received from Post
roaster Wlthoft ofTarto
other day a
le was made
curious memento cane
from steel taken off
Maine as she
lay In Havana harbor
k was cut on
on the field Of
the military road Jn
the last battle fought on fe
Island; Its cover-
Ing of tortoise shell came from Cuba, and the
head was wrought from Cripple Creek gold.
Baron Hayashl, the new Japanese Minister
to the Court of St. James, Is regarded as one
ct the ablest amonr Japanese junior states
men. The early part of his official career was
passed In the Department of Public Works, but
he was subsequently transferred to the For
eign Office, where he rose to the rank of Vice
Minister, holding that post throughout the war
with China, and receiving a patent Qt nobility
.for distinguished Bcrrtcesi
INDEEENDEiNT REJECTION OF BRYAN
Philadelphia Public Ledger.
The safe, conservative financial policy
of the Administration is promoting the
business interests of the country and it3
commercial intercourse with other lands.
Why disturb this prosperity by resurrect
ing the specter of silver Inflation?
New Yorlc World.
Mr. Bryan's silver plank demands "an
American financial system." What is the
system we have now if not American?
Has any' other nation nine kinds of cur
rency, all maintained at a parity? And
If we aro to have a financial system more
distinctly American, why not an Ameri
can commercial system, an American
yard-stick, pound
measure?
weight and gallon
Brooklyn Eagle.
The organization which nominated Mr.
Bryan, in the way and on the terms
which he prescribed, has done much to
Impair belief in Its capability for govern
ment The evidence of what he has done
with a party furnishes an Index to what
he would do with the Government It
should make his investiture with the
Presidency Impossible.
Boston Herald.
We cannot but think that it was a
piece of supremo foolishness, certainly
when viewed from an Eastern standpoint,
for the Democrats, In their National
convention, to declare, for free silver
colnago at the ratio of 16 to L There
Is amply enough in such a declaration
to keep those of the Gold Democrats who
are not Inclined to Join them out of co
operation with the body In the present
canvass. To go farther Is to engage
In frratultoos bluster. It mu3t disgust
more than the Democrats whom It Is
their interest to conciliate. It wui de
stroy the last spark of confidence that
Is left In those who take this course In
the minds of sensible and reflecting men
who are not bound down to this object of
idolatry.
Baltimore Bun.
The platform Is admirable In Its anti
imperial and anti-trust declarations, but
sadly, perhaps fatally, defective in Its
advocacy of freo silver coinage at 16 to
1. The people of the United States have
never had an opportunity to vote upon
the question of imperialism unconnected
with any other issue, and it Is to be re
gretted that they will not have this op
nortunity in November. It is true there
are many voters how many remains to
be seen who believe that imperialism
would do greater injury to the country
than the financial system advocated by
Mr. Bryan. Whether these voters hold
the balance of power between Mr. Bryan
and Mr. McKinley, whether they will
choose tho former In preference to the
latter, will not be known until election
day.
New Tork World.
Will the 2000 or 2000 words devoted to
imperialism and the two or three dozen
words devoted to the demand for 16 to 1
determine the question of paramountcy
In the minds of the voters? And even If
they do not regard this preposterous de
mand for bad money as a menace, will
they not regard it as an advertisement
of the Incapacity and unteachableness,
and therefore untrustworthlness, of the
leadership that makes such a demand
at such a crucial time, and makes It In
face of the overwhelming sentiment of
that part of the convention which was
most entitled to consideration in plat
form-making?
New Tork Times.
Now that the candidates and the plat
forms of the two parties are before tho
country, the people will instantly make
up their minds about them. There is no
occasion for a moment's hesitation, no
reason for any change of opinion and in
tention during the progress of the cam
paign. Happily all the trumped-up Issue
of Imperialism and the card-house struc
tures of pretense erected by men seeking
a decent occasion to oppose the re-election
of President McKinley have been
gwept away and demolished by the tri
umph of pure Bryanism and unmitigated
16 to 1 at the Kansas City convention.
Antl-lmpcriallsm, militarism, and the
trusts were altogether overshadowed and
forgotten, until the real work of the con
vention had been done, and the empty
declaration that imperialism Is the chief
issue cannot make it so. The decision
must be made, as it was made In 1896, be
tween National honor and National dis
honor, between ruin and safety. There Is
but one Issue, and it is sharp and clear.
We have full confidence that the Ameri
can people will decide this question as
they decided four years ago. For whit
he is and believes and for what he would
do Bryan deserves and will encounter a
terrible defeat For his record and his
achievements, for tho qualities of char
acter that make him an eminently safe
President, for the prosperity of the Na-J
tion. for its continued maintenance of
tho position It has taken among the na
tions of the earth during his Adminis
tration, Mr. McKinley deserves and will
receive a vote of renewed confidence and
re-election to the office he has well ad
ministered. New Tork Journal of Commerce.
The Democratic convention has put
forth the weakest candidate on the wick
edest platform that has been offered to
the American people by any leading
party. The candidate is tho same man
that he was four years ago, but he Is
weaker, becauso tho country knows a
good deal more of him. The platform is
about the same thing as that four years
ago with some additional matter on the
subject of imperialism, but in regard to
currency and to order and to Justice it Is
wickeder than it was then, because it is
a second offense, and becauso certain
mitigating circumstances that existed
four years ago no longer exist Mr.
Bryan is his own platform and the coun
try has not forgotten the resolutions of
Chicago In 1S96, so that in a sense it was
immaterial whether the ratio of 16 to 1
were specifically demanded by tho new
platform, but what passed In Chicago for
tho conservative element believed it was
important not to mention this ratio, and
the Bryanites believed It was importan.t
to do so. We Infer that the men who are
relatively sane and conservative believed
It was gOod policy to omit this formula,
and that with only a general reafflrma
tion of the Chicago platform it might oe
possible to steer the campaign discus
sions away from the subject But the
candidate who has been defeated Insisted
upon the platform that has been repudi
ated, and wo are grateful to him for it;
wo wish no evasion or compromise;
the Democratic party is dominated by
free silverltes and there should be no
doubt; about their position. Sllverlsm
ought to be defeated permanently this
time.
NOTE- AiD COMMENT.
J5,
"This weather will do.
Bryan ha3 out-bossed every boss on reo-'
ord.
Meanwhile Bryan is making active
preparations to run again in 1904.
The Boxers will be very glad to tako
their corner at the end of the first round.
Tho Filipinos were put to rout in a
battlo the other day. Aguinaldo also
ran.
It was Just Oom Paul's luck for fate to
wait till ho was licked before calling:
John Bull to other fields of war.
If St Louis had secured the Republi
can convention this year the town would
have been full of walking delegates.
It was thoughtful of the Kaiser to
warn his soldiers not to fight wlth tho
armies of other nations while the Boxers
remain unllcked.
For the benefit of Summer poets It
may be stated that minute rhymes with
bathing suit The joke that may bo
constructed with this material ought to
be obvious.
German emigration, writes a United
States Consul to the State Department,
has fallen from above 120,000 in 1S94 to
23,740 last year. Industrial prosperity at
home and better state care of the work
ing classes are the stated causes of ths
decline.
Lord Wolseley, wishing to reassure his
countrymen, places the number of British
soldiers under arms at 750,000, of theso
500,000 being regulars. The figures must
include every "Tommy" in garrison
around the world and the native troops
of India.
Goldwln Smith's idea is that all the mis
sionaries In China "should be compelled
it once to withdraw to places of security,
r. If they choose heroically to remain
in posts of danger, they should be warned
that they do this, as did the early mis
sionaries, at their own risk."
Two bicyclists rode over the Erie rail
road viaduct at Lanesboro, N. T., a few
days ago. The viaduct is more than a
quarter of a mile long and rises 300 feet
from the ground. It has no pathway be
tween the rails, but only a stone coping
a foot wide along the outer edges. Henry
Wosson and Elbrldge Hart accomplished
the feat, which was certainly a mag
nlflcent exhibition of nerve and muscle.
A Klamath County lawyer, who. it has
been noticed, takes a live Interest in po
litical affairs, was commenting yesterday
on the fact that tho Democrats had sub
ordinated the free-silver plank In their
platform to that declaring against expan
sion. "Their course reminds me." said he,
"of an Irish attorney I once heard argu
ing a case bofore a court. He had with
much eloquence just made a point, and.
after a pause to allow the court to catch
the force of it. h.e said: 'Tout Anner, la
case there Is nathln' in the point Oi hov
just proslntcd. OI hov another akally a3
good.' "
Where the dread Dakota cyclone takes the
farmer's happy home
And transfers It to the Southland, where the
alligators roam. , ..
Where the chinch bus In battalions finds tha
wherewithal to eat
In the shape of rolling acres rich with this
year's crop of wheat.
That Is where they say. while gazing on tno
scorched and blighted plain.
"Oregon's the awful country where there a
thirteen month3 of rain."
Where the pent-up floods of Texas make a
sudden gateway.
And flow forth across the country spreading
moisture and dismay.
Whore tho streams dry up In Summer and the
cattle die In bands.
And the ranchora chip In millions to reclaim
their arid lands.
That Is where they all will sing you that earns
threadbare old refrain.
"Oregon's the cursed country, where there s
thirteen months of rain."
Down In Southern California, whero-the people.
meet and pray
That the eood Lord In Ills mercy will send.
just one rainy day.
Where they Join In exultation If the. dew falls
once or twice.
And tha lco man roust be careful lestthe sun
shine warps his Ice.
That Is where thev all will tell you with a,
gesture of dlfdaln.
"Oregon's the wretched country where there a
thirteen months of rain."
PLEASAXTRIES OF PARAGUAPHERS
"What's the size of
army?" "About 2&000."
Morocco's standing
'Moor or Jess, I sup-
pose." Cleveland Plain Dealer.
Of Family Affairs. "Do you think this Na
tion could civilize the Pnlllppines?" 'Well,
we ought to put In some faithful practice on
St. LouIb nrst-" Chicago Record.
Financial Tommy. Ma Tommy, you seem
to love pa bettor than you do me. Tommy
Oh nut, I don't mean to; but you see. pa alius
has his pockets full o' nickels. Indianapolis
Journal.
Profeselonal Amenities. Editor (of new pa
per) Have you seen our last number yet?
Poet (who has Just had a sheaf of sonnets re
jected) No; but I expect to In about a month.
Judge.
Bright Girl. Mrs. Browne Is Mrs. Gabble at
home? Brldget-Falth. she is not. ma'am, bo
great rood luck. But ye'd better l'avo yer
card an" skedaddlo away, fur she's like to bo
In mosht onny minute now. Philadelphia,
Press.
The Usual Besult. Friend Tou took your
son Into your establishment some months ago
to teach him the business. I understand. How
did It turn out? Business Man (wearily) Great
success. He's teaching me now. New Tork
Weekly.
A Wise Parent. Miss Summit It's remark
able that Lord Pace-Pelham, who married
Clara Van Antler, should still be devoted to
her at the end of five years. Miss Palisade
Oh, I don't know.' Tou remember her father
settled her dowry on the Installment plan.
LlfeL
Unusual. "She Is one of the most original
young women I have talked with In a leng
time." said tho professor earnestly. "Sho
doesn't pay very much attention to Intellect
ual matters." "Perhaps not. But she con
versed with me for a whole half hour without
once asking me if I played golf." Washington
Star.
The Conntry Will Outlive the Tow.
Thomas F. Porter In Boston Globe.
Come to the woods, forget the street
Where traffic's noisy wheels are heard,
And with those soul lnsplrers meet
The murmuring pine and singing bird.
Let -us forget the lines of care
That on our faces deeply press.
And breathe a while the- perfect air
That longs to mako our troubles less:
What means this endless toll and strife,
The wish to seek and win and hold?
There Is a better, grander life ..
Outside of titles and of gold.
Tho men may study to deceive.
- 1 Qreat Nature love8 aione t0 weave
Her truths around the trusting heart.
When piles of brick In ruins lie.
And wealth and power are both laid low;
In valley sweet, on hilltop high,.
The grass, tha flowers, the trees will gnm
Men may tear down the forest fair
To build themselves a fleeting crown;
But 'neath great Nature's fostering care.
The country will outlive the town.
When our weak, hands shall cease to strive.
And from our grasp all power has pas
Nature, her heart with love allvo.
Will take ns to herself at last.